The
land
occupations
in
2000
were
highly
varied,
but
many
women
joined
them.
These
were
either
independent
women,
including
young,
single
women,
divorcees
and
widows,
or
women
joining
the
occupations
as
their
husbands
were
at
work
and
so
not
available.
Within
the
‘base
camps’
women
were
allocated
separate
areas
to
camp
and
were
heavily
involved
in
the
social
reproductive
tasks
of
sustaining
the
occupations:
cooking,
collecting
water
and
looking
after
infant
children
and
babies
who
had
come
with
them.
Mai
M
from
Masvingo
district
explained:
I
came
here
during
the
fast-track
land
reform.
I
came
here
with
both
men
and
women;
the
gender
split
was
50:50.
We
arrived
and
claimed
the
farm
from
the
white
farmer…
We
came
here
with
[a
group
of
women].
Some
people
were
married,
while
others
were
single
women
who
had
already
separated
from
their
husbands.
MM
from
Mvurwi
explained
how,
as
a
war
veteran,
she
was
at
the
forefront
of
the
land
occupations,
joining
independently
and
later
bringing
her
husband
and
family:
I
was
at
the
forefront
of
the
fast-track
land
reform;
we
are
the
reason
people
ended
up
with
all
these
farms.
I
did
not
consult
my
husband
about
joining
the
fast-track
land
reform
campaign
because
it
was
not
something
to
discuss
at
home.
We
made
this
decision
in
meetings
at
the
war
veterans’
association.
My
husband
had
no
right
to
stop
me
from
joining
the
cause
because
that
was
my
job.
Mai
N
from
Gutu
district
recounted
her
story.
The
challenges
of
juggling
childcare
with
establishing
new
homes
and
farms
were
highlighted,
along
with
the
dangers
faced
by
single
women
during
the
occupations:
We
came
here
for
fast-track
land
reform
as
women;
my
husband
was
at
work.
I
joined
the
war
at
the
end,
but
I
am
not
really
a
war
vet…
There
were
eight
women
who
came
here,
and
then
we
were
later
joined
by
four
men.
We
initially
lived
together
as
a
group
of
eight
in
the
compound
at
Bath
Farm,
and
later
divided,
with
each
person
building
their
own
homestead.
The
sleeping
arrangements
were
a
bit
challenging.
My
husband
built
me
a
big
rondavel,
and
everyone
slept
there.
When
it
was
time
to
sleep,
everyone
came
to
sleep
at
my
house
because
my
husband
had
installed
a
very
strong
door.
We
also
had
a
language
we
used
as
a
signal
for
communication
in
case
an
enemy
attacked
us,
so
if
the
slogan
was
not
used,
we
would
not
leave
the
house
or
answer.
We
stayed
together
from
May
to
August
under
the
base
commander.
We
then
separated
when
I
got
my
land
here,
and
the
other
four
women
I
was
with
got
land
in
Salem,
the
other
three
got
their
land
in
Bath
farm…
I
left
there
because
there
were
three
married
brothers,
including
my
husband
in
one
farm,
with
a
piece
of
land
for
their
mother.
So,
the
farmland
was
inadequate,
and
we
would
end
up
buying
food
because
the
produce
wasn’t
enough.
When
we
came
here
for
land
reform,
I
brought
the
youngest
child,
and
the
other
two
initially
remained
in
Gutu.
The
other
two
came
when
they
were
a
little
older;
the
oldest
child
was
in
Form
1,
and
the
other
daughter
in
Form
2.
I
did
not
have
help
at
the
beginning;
I
used
to
juggle
farming
and
looking
after
the
children.
It
was
my
kids
and
I
doing
all
the
work.
That
is
how
we
managed
things,
maybe
because
we
were
eager
to
own
the
land.
Mrs
C
from
Masvingo
district
explained
that
the
early
days
of
the
occupations
were
filled
with
uncertainty.
The
invaders
who
came
to
the
farms
on
the
bus
were
mocked,
and
people
questioned
whether
building
good
houses
made
sense
if
the
land
reform
got
reversed:
We
were
led
by
Comrade
B;
he
would
come
by
to
check
that
everyone
was
doing
well.
There
was
unity
and
teamwork
during
that
time,
but
now
everything
is
individualistic…..
[my
husband]
was
the
one
who
started
building
nice
houses,
but
people
were
concerned
that
the
allocated
land
might
be
taken
back,
so
what
was
the
use
in
investing
in
building.
Sometimes
we
would
use
the
same
bus
going
to
Masvingise,
and
people
would
make
fun
of
us
when
we
were
dropped
off
in
the
bush.
They
thought
we
were
unwise
to
pursue
the
farms.
BN
from
Matobo
district
explained
how
she
joined
the
land
occupations
with
small
children:
I
came
here
when
the
children
were
still
young;
the
last
born
was
three
months
old.
I
survived
through
farming,
selling
produce
and
some
of
it
to
GMB
to
feed
my
children.
If
I
failed
to
harvest
much,
I
would
go
work
in
other
households,
building
mud
houses.
We
heard
there
were
land
invasions,
and
I
decided
that
life
in
the
rural
areas
was
a
struggle,
so
I
decided
to
come
here
with
others.
The
government
then
came
later
and
pegged
the
land
for
us.
The
land
invasions
occurred,
but
they
were
not
violent.
We
spoke
to
white
people
who
were
here,
and
they
gave
us
one
farm
each,
since
most
had
two.
We
learned
about
the
land
invasions
from
the
radio;
they
were
saying
that
those
in
Matobo
should
go
to
a
specific
area
and
occupy
it,
and
they
will
take
one
from
each
of
the
white
people
with
two
farms.
I
came
here
alone,
with
my
children
and
built
a
small
hut
for
myself.
FS
from
the
Masvingo
district
equally
recounted
how
she
came
here
alone.
This
was
a
period
of
hard
work
and
much
hardship.
Living
alone
was
terrifying,
she
explained:
My
husband
became
part
of
fast-track
land
reform
because
they
did
not
have
enough
land
at
his
village
to
farm.
The
village
was
in
the
mountains;
no
cars
or
even
a
wheelbarrow
could
reach
it.
When
we
arrived,
some
of
the
children
stayed
behind,
while
I
came
with
the
twins.
Having
young
children
and
working
at
the
farm,
fetching
water,
and
all
that
was
a
challenge.
We
used
to
constantly
move
between
here
and
Masvingo;
this
place
does
not
need
anyone
with
a
small
child.
It’s
easier
to
do
the
work
on
your
own.
We
used
to
ask
for
help
to
till
the
land
from
those
that
came
before
us.
We
used
to
grow
beans
and
maize.
When
it
was
time
to
cultivate
the
land,
I
would
make
the
children
sit
down
while
I
worked.
The
children
were
staying
alone
while
I
was
here
at
the
farm.
My
oldest
learned
how
to
cook
in
grade
one.
I
was
mostly
staying
here
alone
as
my
husband
was
still
deployed
as
a
soldier.
I
was
terrified
of
living
alone
but
I
braved
it
until
now.
SM
from
Matobo
agreed
that
the
early
settlement
period,
living
alone
with
small
children,
was
really
hard:
When
we
came
here,
my
husband
was
working
in
Bulawayo,
while
I
stayed
to
clear
the
land
or
farm.
When
my
husband
was
alive,
I
used
to
farm
here,
and
I
would
get
a
good
harvest
to
sell.
Raising
children
was
difficult.
When
the
Esigodini
school
became
a
boarding
school,
my
son
had
to
stay
behind
because
I
could
no
longer
afford
it.
The
other
daughter
left
school
after
Form
4.
I
had
six
cattle,
and
I
sold
one.
My
husband
died
before
we
even
started
building.
I
sold
sorghum
and
one
cow
to
help
build
this
place.
Despite
the
hardships
and
the
real
practical
and
emotional
challenges
of
living
alone,
Mai
M
from
Masvingo
district
reiterated
the
sentiment
of
many.
Access
to
land
allowed
women
to
have
a
place
that
they
could
call
their
own,
where
production
could
take
place
to
support
growing
children:
I
have
an
offer
letter
in
my
name.
Getting
land
helped
me
because
having
a
place
where
you
and
your
children
can
call
your
own
is
important.
It
contributed
to
the
education
and
upkeep
of
my
children.
I
used
to
sell
my
produce
to
GMB,
and
that
money
helped
me
buy
cattle;
it
also
helped
my
sons
get
married.
As
NA
from
Mvurwi
explained,
moving
to
the
land
reform
areas
offered
opportunities
that
were
not
available
in
the
communal
areas.
Especially
in
a
polygamous
family,
the
tensions
that
existed
when
there
were
many
family
members
present
could
be
escaped
from,
“so
we
can
be
free”
When
we
found
out
that
our
husband
had
found
a
farm
this
side,
we
started
comparing
it
with
our
life
in
Chikwira
and
decided
that
coming
to
the
farm
was
better.
In
Chikwira,
we
were
living
a
decent
life
as
a
family,
but
we
thought
continuing
to
live
together
was
not
ideal.
We
had
a
place
to
farm
in
Chikwira,
but
because
there
were
many
of
us,
we
sometimes
did
not
get
along
in
the
family.
That
is
why
we
decided
to
leave:
to
be
free.
We
work
on
the
farm
together
as
a
family,
but
a
piece
of
the
land
is
reserved
for
our
husbands,
and
we
have
our
own
piece
that
belongs
to
the
wives.
When
there
is
too
much
work,
our
husband
will
hire
people
to
help
us;
otherwise,
we
usually
work
with
our
children.
Our
husband
buys
farming
inputs
for
everyone
and
also
pays
people
to
help
us
in
the
field
when
there
is
too
much
work.
This
is
the
second
blog
in
the
series
on
social
reproduction
and
land
reform.
This
blog
was
written
by
Sandra
Bhatasara
and
Ian
Scoones,
with
inputs
from
Tapiwa
Chatikobo
and
Felix
Murimbarimba.
It
was
first
published
on Zimbabweland.
Post
published
in:
Agriculture