As
in
other
areas
there
were
medium-scale
farms
(A2
and
so-called
self-contained
(SC)),
aimed
at
commercial
livestock
production,
themselves
often
quite
large
(ranging
from
281
to
2000
ha)
and
A1
small-scale
areas
where
mixed
crop
and
livestock
production
was
encouraged.
Here
around
5
ha
was
allocated
for
arable
land,
while
livestock
grazing
was
communal
as
part
of
‘villagised’
schemes.
Matobo
is
a
dry
district
with
highly
variable
rainfall
levels
(average
550
mm),
but
with
a
coefficient
of
variation
of
44%.
The
large
areas
that
were
previously
white-owned
extensive
ranches
are
now
divided
up,
with
fences
increasingly
dividing
the
landscape.
Livestock
–
particularly
cattle
–
production
still
dominates,
but
within
both
A2/SC
and
particularly
A1
farms,
crop
production
(including
irrigation)
has
increased.
In
this
dry
area,
relying
only
on
livestock
or
cropping
is
risky
though
and
most
combine
agricultural
activities
with
a
wider
portfolio.
The
proximity
to
South
Africa
means
cross-border
trade
and
work
is
important,
and
many
of
those
who
have
taken
over
medium-scale
A2/SC
farms
support
their
farms
through
off-farm
businesses.
In
the
early
years
after
land
reform
(which
in
this
area
was
slow
to
take
off
as
people
were
concerned
that
it
would
not
last),
cattle
herds
were
small
and
the
area
was
not
full
of
livestock.
Those
with
bigger
herds
were
able
to
make
use
of
the
surplus
land
through
leasing
arrangements
that
occurred
both
between
A2/SC
farms
and
A1
farms.
Today,
livestock
populations
have
increased
and
the
land
is
more
constrained
and
a
variety
of
other
strategies
have
to
be
used
to
sustain
accumulation.
Leasing
remains
important,
but
also
intensification
through
the
importation
of
feed,
the
establishment
of
water
points
and
so
on.
The
possibilities
of
accumulation
are
very
much
dependent
on
rainfall
patterns
(and
so
grass/water
availability)
and
the
dynamics
of
herd
growth
(births,
deaths
etc.).
Livestock
are
a
particular
type
of
‘capital’,
reliant
on
biological
growth
and
intimately
connected
to
human-nature
relations.
Livestock
as
capital
can
be
an
investment,
a
store
of
wealth,
a
source
of
speculation
and
a
generator
of
interest
through
offspring.
As
has
often
been
noted,
Karl
Marx
observed
that:
‘the
still
migrating
hordes
with
their
herds
on
the
Asiatic
high
plateau
are
the
biggest
capitalists,
since
capital
originally
means
cattle…
’.
As
Tim
Ingold
noted,
the
Latin
word
for
money, pecus,
also
means
a
head
of
cattle,
while
the
Greek
word
for
loan
interest, tekhos,
refers
to
livestock
offspring.
Being
so
linked
to
rainfall
and
grazing/water
availability
means
that
accumulation
if
it
occurs
is
usually
intermittent,
taking
on
a
stuttering
form,
with
some
good
years
when
animals
become
pregnant
and
give
birth
successfully,
followed
by
poor
years
when
birth
rates
decline
and
mortalities
increase.
There
is
no
neat,
linear
trajectory
for
livestock
accumulation
in
dry
rangelands.
Whether
herd
owners
are
able
to
accumulate
also
depends
on
social
relations
and
the
ability
to
connect
land
parcels
across
diverse,
variable
landscapes
–
through
sharing,
leasing
and
loaning
arrangements.
Labour
is
crucial
for
successful
livestock
production,
and
joint
herding
and
watering
arrangements
are
common,
with
people
combining
forces
to
ensure
that
livestock
are
looked
after
and
find
feed
and
water,
especially
in
drought
years.
Hired
labour
is
essential
for
larger
herds
and
bigger
farms
and
new
housing
on
A2/SC
farms
is
largely
dedicated
to
herders
and
other
workers,
often
in
quite
basic
conditions.
The
reliance
on
such
labour
for
accumulation
is
key,
but
many
herd
owners
fail
to
invest
in
their
labour
force
resulting
in
disgruntlement
and
sometimes
theft
of
property.
There
has
been
a
sequencing
of
accumulation
and
investment
patterns
over
the
years
in
our
Matobo
sites.
As
already
noted,
in
the
early
years,
herds
were
small
and
were
able
to
grow
with
good
years
and
low
population
pressure.
This
was
associated
with
lots
of
leasing
out
of
understocked
areas
where
people
had
not
yet
established
themselves.
Today,
there
are
fewer
possibilities
of
renting
out
grazing
and
livestock
herds
are
more
vulnerable
to
drought
impacts
(something
we
saw
when
comparing
2011-12
and
2015-16
droughts,
for
example).
As
people
established
themselves
in
the
A2
land
reform
farms,
initial
investments
were
usually
small
houses
for
workers
(herders)
and
fencing.
In
the
A1
areas,
building
homes
and
clearing
land
for
cropping
were
the
first
steps
in
establishment.
Clearing
crop
farming
land
in
the
A2
areas
came
later,
as
people
tried
to
diversify
and
provide
food
for
workers
too.
Digging
boreholes
was
a
crucial
next
step,
although
many
of
these
failed.
People
also
bought
cars/trucks,
especially
in
the
A2
farms
as
the
roads
were
poor
and
distances
long
with
no
public
transport.
And
throughout,
people
continued
to
invest
in
cattle,
although
most
herd
growth
came
from
births,
again
intermittently.
Where
purchases
did
occur,
they
were
often
of
improved
breeds,
such
as
higher
value
Brahmans.
Especially
prompted
by
the
2015-16
drought,
investment
in
supplementary
feeding
became
essential
and
some
have
graduated
to
a
strategy
of
intensification
with
significant
importation
of
feed
onto
single
farms,
abandoning
the
extensive
lease
grazing
strategy
in
favour
of
concentrating
on
one
place
with
significant
capital
investments
(including
growing
feed,
and
investing
in
associated
infrastructure).
Twenty
odd
years
after
taking
over
the
land,
we
now
see
much
more
investment
in
homes
on
farms.
This
came
later
than
in
our
other
areas,
as
the
sense
of
security
over
land
areas
was
slower
to
emerge
in
Matabeleland.
Today,
people
are
contemplating
retirement
to
the
farm
and
they
are
keen
to
attract
other
family
members
to
homesteads
that
have
mod-cons,
such
as
solar
systems,
piped
water,
flush
toilets
and
so
on.
Not
everyone
has
managed
to
accumulate,
however.
Establishing
herds
and
getting
going
proved
difficult
for
some,
and
they
have
handed
over
land
to
others,
taking
the
land
rent
rather
than
managing
livestock
and
focusing
on
other
livelihoods.
Others
have
followed
a
boom-and-bust
cycle,
with
substantial
investments
and
growth
of
herds
followed
by
crashes
(due
to
droughts
or
lack
of
external
investment),
then
growth
again.
Still
others
enthusiastically
invested
at
the
outset
but
were
not
able
to
sustain
this
and
subsequently
the
operations
collapsed,
with
some
abandoned.
Across
the
sample
of
A1
(N=67)
and
A2
(including
SC)
(N=50),
there
is
a
huge
variety
of
different
dynamics.
Below,
we
attempt
to
classify
these
along
the
lines
used
for
the
other
sites.
Accumulation
from
below
This
is
the
slow,
‘stuttering’
form
of
accumulation
we
see
often
in
the
Matobo
A1
areas,
where
people
manage
herd
growth
over
time.
They
very
often
came
to
the
area
on
land
reform
with
nothing
and
have
gradually
built
up
herds.
This
has
been
assisted
by
agriculture,
with
occasional
good
maize
harvests
resulting
in
extra
investments.
People
in
this
category
rely
on
land
leasing
especially
in
droughts
to
maintain
herds,
and
many
have
links
to
off-farm
work
(particularly
circular
migration
to
South
Africa)
to
provide
additional
support
to
the
core
livestock
activity.
Given
relatively
small
herds,
most
herding
labour
is
provided
by
families,
although
a
number
of
herders
are
hired
in.
The
case
of
CM
is
illustrative.
Case
1:
CM,
Vimbi,
A1
villagised
CM
is
44-year-old
and
he
obtained
land
in
2001.
At
the
time,
he
was
working
as
a
farmworker
at
a
nearby
white-owned
commercial
farm.
He
had
3
cattle,
which
he
bought
using
savings
from
his
wages.
In
2007,
he
then
got
fired
when
his
employer
found
out
that
he
had
acquired
land
in
resettlement
areas.
He
then
emigrated
as
a
“border
jumper”
to
Botswana,
where
he
worked
as
a
herder
at
a
cattle
post.
He
spent
a
year,
and
managed
to
raise
enough
money
to
buy
a
heifer.
In
2008,
he
then
went
to
South
Africa,
where
he
worked
in
a
construction
company
for
a
year
before
returning
home.
Using
income
from
his
wages,
he
managed
to
buy
12
iron
roofing
sheets
and
windows
to
build
a
two
bedroomed
house
at
the
farm.
After
his
return
in
late
2008,
CM
busied
himself
with
farming
and
never
returned
to
South
Africa.
There
was
a
severe
drought
during
the
2011-12
drought,
which
provided
an
opportunity
for
him
to
expand
his
herd
through
leasing
of
grazing
land.
He
received
5
heifers
as
rental.
These
animals
added
to
his
already
slowly
growing
herd.
In
2013,
he
exchanged
8
heifers
with
a
pick-up
truck
worth
around
USD4500.
Through
cattle
proceeds,
he
has
also
managed
to
purchase
a
plough,
scotch-cart,
building
a
good
rural
homestead
and
educating
his
children.
Three
of
his
children
have
managed
to
complete
Form
4.
His
oldest
son
obtained
his
heavy
vehicle
drivers’
licence
and
was
seeking
employment.
The
oldest
daughter
completed
a
course
in
hotel
and
catering
and
was
also
seeking
employment.
The
youngest
son
is
doing
a
mechanics
course
at
a
college
in
Bulawayo.
Despite
two
recent
severe
droughts
(2019
and
2024),
CM
still
owns
a
substantial
herd
(53)
thanks
to
his
careful
management.
During
the
2024
El
Nino
drought
CM
only
lost
2
cattle
thanks
to
his
careful
management.
He
always
scans
the
horizon
for
troubles
ahead
and
can
manage
challenges
as
they
arise.
Despite
variable
crop
output,
CM
is
also
a
very
good
crop
farmer.
The
family’s
homestead
is
amongst
the
most
well-built
and
comfortably
furnished
in
the
village,
with
a
solar
system
and
satellite
dish
funded
by
proceeds
from
cattle
sales.
In
2018,
after
selling
cattle,
he
gave
his
wife
start-up
capital
to
rear
broilers.
His
wife
rears
a
batch
of
between
50
to
100
birds
at
a
time.
He
uses
his
pick-up
truck
for
hire.
This
alongside
with
his
wife’s
broiler
project
provided
sufficient
cash-on-hand
to
sustain
groceries
purchase,
while
bulk
proceeds
from
cattle
sales
have
been
essential
to
fund
major
investments,
including
paying
children’s
school
fees.
A
key
strategy
of
the
household
is
therefore
refraining
from
selling
cattle
for
consumption
purposes.
This
pattern
is
also
seen
in
the
A2/SC
areas
where
circular
migration
(a
job
in
town
or
in
South
Africa)
supports
slow
accumulation
of
livestock
on
the
farm,
where
again
some
good
years
result
in
a
spate
of
births,
but
this
is
followed
by
years
where
little
happens.
Many
of
these
A2
farmers
are
struggling,
as
the
resources
are
insufficient
to
upgrade
to
a
significant
commercial
operation,
and
many
lease
out
land
to
supplement
their
incomes,
as
the
following
case
shows.
Case
2:
MD,
A2
farm
60-year-old
MD
obtained
a
415ha
plot
in
2007.
At
the
time,
he
was
employed
as
an
extension
officer,
and
was
involved
in
the
pegging
of
farms
during
the
Fast-Track
Land
Reform
Programme.
According
to
him,
he
acquired
the
plot
as
a
“token
of
appreciation”
for
his
role
in
pegging
farms.
However,
he
admitted
that
he
struggled
to
gain
a
foothold
in
ranching
because
he
“acquired
land
without
resources”.
At
settlement,
he
had
only
7
head
of
cattle
that
he
bought
using
savings
from
his
wages.
With
limited
funds,
he
said
that
he
had
to
make
some
sacrifices,
including
limiting
the
family’s
food
consumption.
As
he
explained,
“My
family
was
not
eating
as
I
had
to
save
money
to
buy
cattle.
Fortunately,
my
wife
understands.”
There
was
a
drought
year
in
2008,
and
he
immediately
leased
out
the
farm
to
other
large
herd
owners
in
exchange
of
heifers,
which
he
retained
as
part
of
his
breeding
herd.
There
was
another
severe
drought,
which
provided
an
opportunity
for
MD
to
obtain
5
heifers
through
leasing.
In
2017,
MD
received
a
loan
of
13
heifers
–
worth
US$4120
–
with
each
heifer
priced
at
US$320
under
the
CSC/Trek
cattle
scheme
to
be
repaid
over
5
years.
Today,
he
owns
a
herd
of
30
cattle.
Case
3:
MM,
A2
farm
MM,
in
her
late
40s,
works
in
Bulawayo
as
a
records
supervisor
at
Zimbabwe
Electricity
Transmission
and
Distribution
Company
(ZEDTC),
a
subsidiary
company
of
Zimbabwe
Electricity
Supply
Authority
(ZESA).
Her
husband
works
as
an
engineer
in
South
Africa.
She
inherited
a
284ha
plot
from
her
father.
Her
father,
who
died
in
2007,
acquired
the
plot
in
2002,
although
he
could
not
occupy
the
farm
due
to
the
white
farmer’s
resistance.
It
was
only
in
2012
when
the
white
farmer
died
that
the
family
was
able
to
occupy
the
farm.
When
MM’s
father
died,
her
mother
asked
her
two
brothers
to
take
over
the
farm
but
they
both
refused.
She
said
that
her
two
brothers
had
no
interest
in
farming.
One
of
her
brothers
was
working
for
an
NGO
in
Bulawayo,
while
the
other
one
emigrated
to
the
UK
in
2017.
When
her
brothers
refused
to
take
over
the
farm,
she
asked
her
mother
if
she
could
take
over
the
farm,
and
her
mother
agreed.
She
then
managed
to
change
the
offer
letter
into
her
name.
She
started
in
2012
with
five
cattle,
which
she
bought
using
her
savings.
Between
2014
and
2015,
she
bought
another
three
heifers.
Since
then,
the
herd
has
been
slowing
growing
mainly
through
births.
In
2018,
the
household
owned
23
head
of
cattle.
Since
they
are
still
building
their
herd,
they
only
sell
cattle
when
“there
is
a
nagging
problem”.
Besides
cattle,
the
household
also
started
a
sheep
‘project’
in
2013.
Today,
the
household
owns
over
50
sheep.
In
2016,
she
took
a
three-year
loan
of
US$3000
from
NMB
bank
in
order
to
finance
the
establishment
of
an
egg
layer
project
at
the
farm.
However,
this
project
failed
because
the
workers
they
had
employed
on
the
farm
were
stealing
the
eggs.
In
the
same
year,
she
also
started
a
horticulture
project
but
she
was
forced
to
abandon
the
project
because
of
marauding
baboons.
Given
that
she
has
a
small
herd
of
cattle,
she
is
renting
out
part
of
her
grazing
land
to
a
cousin
who
helped
her
to
fence
the
farm.
Like
many
A2
farmers,
MM’s
biggest
challenge
is
lack
of
capital
to
invest
substantially
on
the
farm.
To
address
this,
she
has
joined
a
savings
group
of
farmers,
contributing
USD50
per
week
on
a
rotational
basis.
These
cases
illustrate
that
this
dynamic
of
accumulation
from
below
is
fragile
and
reliant
on
good
seasons.
It
can
quickly
reverse,
and
many
in
this
category
also
end
up
in
a
pattern
of
decline
(see
below).
Accumulation
from
outside
Perhaps
the
most
significant
pattern
of
accumulation
in
the
A2/SC
areas
is
one
driven
from
outside.
Many
of
these
farmers
have
businesses
(or
well-paid
jobs
in
NGOs
or
as
consultants)
elsewhere
and
these
co-finance
the
farm
operation
as
part
of
a
wider
portfolio.
Livestock
accumulation
is
therefore
highly
reliant
on
the
success
of
the
off-farm
business.
Many
of
these
farmers
have
accumulated
significant
herds,
usually
starting
from
relatively
large
herds
on
settlement,
and
now
the
populations
are
way
beyond
the
capacity
of
their
allocated
farms,
and
they
have
to
rely
on
renting/leasing
of
land,
while
some
have
turned
to
intensification
on
their
farms.
All
such
farmers
move
between
urban
homes
and
the
farms,
where
labourers
live
and
manage
the
farm
and
livestock.
Workers
are
often
poorly
paid
but
are
given
large
responsibility
and
sometimes
will
abscond
with
stolen
animals.
Labour
relations
between
new
A2
commercial
livestock
farmers
and
their
workers
have
many
similarities
with
what
existed
on
the
large
commercial
farms
owned
by
whites
before.
Case
4:
MX,
A2
farm
48-year-old
MX,
an
auto
mechanic
by
profession,
runs
driving
school,
transport
and
milling
businesses
in
Bulawayo,
employing
around
100
workers
in
town.
He
purchased
an
A2
plot
from
his
uncle
in
2014.
His
uncle,
a
war
veteran
and
retired
lieutenant
colonel
in
the
army,
obtained
this
land
in
2002,
but
struggled
to
invest
in
the
land
because
of
lack
of
finance.
Upon
acquiring,
he rapidly
invested
in
livestock,
livestock
handling
facilities,
fencing,
elaborate
houses
for
his
family
and
workers,
water
pumps
and
grinding
mills.
All
this
was
financed
through
earnings
from
his
business.
In
2022,
he
had
450
cattle.
Of
these,150
cattle
were
kept
and
grazed
at
his
plot,
while
the
rest
of
the
herd
is
grazed
in
several
leased
farms.
He
also
runs
an
additional
herd
of
150
cattle
in
partnership
with
his
cousin
who
works
in
the
UK.
In
2022,
he
purchased
23
‘pure’
Brahmans
for
US$1200
each
from
a
registered
stud
breeder,
with
the
aim
of
improving
the
quality
of
his
herd.
During
the
dry
season
and
drought
years,
he
provides
his
herd
with
supplementary
feed,
which
he
manufactures
himself
at
his
milling
company.
Case
5:
RN,
A2
farm
RN
is
a
49-year-old
lawyer
and
businessperson,
based
in
Bulawayo
where
he
runs
a
law
firm
and
transport
business.
He
acquired
a
475ha
A2
plot
in
2013.
After
acquiring
the
farm,
he
then
constructed
decent
accommodation
for
his
workers
as
well
as
ring-fencing
and
paddocking
the
farm
at
a
cost
of
US$2,000.
In
2018,
he
owned
150
head
of
cattle.
Like
MX,
his
herd
has
grown
rapidly
thanks
to
natural
growth
and
further
purchase
with
proceeds
from
his
businesses.
While
he
said
that
his
cattle
enterprise
was
now
“self-sustaining”,
he
admitted
that
non-farm
income
was
crucial
for
maintaining
his
cattle
business
too.
“I
sometimes
wish
to
resign
from
my
law
firm
business
and
focus
on
cattle,
but
as
you
know,
most
of
us
started
farming
with
no
funds,
and
if
I
resign
from
my
law
business
the
farm
will
suffer.”
Case
6:
ZN,
Self-contained
farm
ZN
who
works
for
an
NGO
in
Bulawayo
acquired
a
201ha
SC
plot
in
2001,
and
was
allocated
an
additional
70ha
of
land
(which
was
reserved
for
a
business
centre)
around
2005.
At
settlement,
he
brought
a
67
herd
of
cattle,
which
he
was
keeping
in
the
communal
areas,
but
had
to
sell
some
to
reduce
grazing
pressure.
“When
I
arrived
here,
I
had
lots
of
cattle”,
he
explained.
“The
communal
areas
were
not
as
limiting
as
the
plots.
So,
I
had
to
reduce
the
numbers.
I
sold
all
the
male
animals
during
that
time
and
used
the
money
to
build
a
house
in
town”.
In
the
early
2000s,
there
was
a
drought,
and
he
sold
all
the
male
animals
and
used
the
money
to
build
a
house
in
Bulawayo,
which
he
rents
out.
In
2010,
leading
up
to
the
severe
2011-12
drought,
he
sold
some
more
cattle,
and
complemented
these
proceeds
with
savings
from
his
highly
paid
job
to
buy
two
mini-buses
and
set
up
a
transport
business.
He
has
also
sold
cattle
and
invested
in
a
grinding
mill
and
tuckshop
at
the
farm.
Today,
he
owns
39
head
of
cattle.
Since
settlement,
his
strategy
has
been
to
sell
his
animals
before
drought
occurs,
and
invest
in
other
off-farm
activities.
As
he
explained,
“This
place
is
up
and
down.
It’s
not
constant.
For
us,
we
have
to
sell
cattle
and
invest
in
other
things
during
drought.”
Although
more
common
in
the
larger
A2/SC
farms,
links
between
livestock
farming
and
outside
businesses
can
be
important
in
A1
farms
too,
and
these
farmers
have
accumulated
significantly
when
businesses
have
thrived,
again
facing
challenges
of
grazing
and
so
with
cattle
spread
across
A1,
A2
and
communal
areas
with
various
types
of
grazing
lease/rental
arrangement
as
well
as
loaning
out
of
cattle
especially
to
relatives
in
the
communal
areas.
Livestock
accumulation
that
is
reliant
on
outside
businesses
is
thus
particularly
subject
to
boom-and-bust
cycles,
as
drought
affects
livestock
production
and
economic
challenges
affect
off-farm
businesses.
When
these
shocks
combine,
we
see
collapses,
but
these
can
be
reversed
as
the
portfolio
allows
a
type
of
‘opportunistic’
tracking
through
high
variability.
Others
however
have
sufficient
outside
resources
that
they
can
ride
any
shock
and
continue
to
accumulate,
despite
challenges.
Many
of
these
A2/SC
owners
are
increasingly
capitalising
their
farms
to
do
this,
through
investments
in
intensification
(on-farm
fodder
production,
boreholes
for
irrigation,
as
well
as
transport
etc.
for
importation
of
feed).
Accumulation
from
above
Our
A2/SC
sample
in
Matobo
included
a
number
of
well-connected
individuals
who
benefited
from
patronage-based
allocations.
These
included
war
veterans,
most
of
whom
were
not
well-off
and
found
it
difficult
to
establish
farms,
as
well
as
those
with
more
established
political
and
military
connections.
They
benefited
not
only
from
priority
land
allocations
(to
A2
farms)
but
also
to
Command
Agriculture
and
other
state
benefits.
State
benefits
in
these
areas
were
however
limited,
and
only
a
few
benefited
from
‘command
livestock’
for
example
(only
five
in
the
whole
district).
The
consequence
is
that
those
with
land
(often
large
areas)
were
unable
to
capitalise
it
and
many
ran
just
a
few
animals,
leasing
out
the
rest
of
the
land
to
others
who
needed
it.
Most
who
received
benefits
from
outside
through
patronage
have
failed
to
accumulate
and
some
have
abandoned
their
farms.
Case
7:
JC,
A2
farm
JC,
a
war
veteran
and
84-year-old
man,
acquired
a
460ha
A2
plot
in
2002.
After
leading
the
land
invasions
of
the
early
2000s,
he
was
rewarded
with
an
A2
plot.
However,
since
acquiring
the
farm,
he
has
struggled
to
invest
in
livestock
production,
and
has
been
leasing
out
the
whole
farm
to
the
other
herd
owners.
“I
am
struggling
because
I
got
the
farm
as
a
war
veteran
and
I
had
totally
nothing”,
he
explained.
“Some
of
us
were
demobilised
after
Independence
in
1980,
and
we
did
not
get
a
chance
to
join
the
National
Army.
After
demobilisation,
we
were
given
ZW$185
per
month
for
only
two
years,
and
it
was
then
closed.
That
was
that!
From
1983
to
1997,
we
got
nothing.
We
were
then
given
ZW$50,000,
and
that
ZW$50,000
was
wiped
out
by
inflation.
So,
I
did
not
have
any
other
sources
of
income.
I
never
worked
again.
Think
of
a
man
with
11
children,
trying
to
push
then
through
to
school.
My
eldest
son,
N,
did
a
diploma
at
Joshua
Nqcabuko
Nkomo
Teacher’s
college,
and
he
is
a
teacher
by
profession.
All
my
other
children
reached
Form
4.
When
I
got
the
farm,
I
did
not
have
any
other
source
of
income
except
a
meagre
war
veteran
pension.
So,
I
have
not
made
a
lot
of
investments
on
the
farm….
I
have
been
concentrating
of
my
last-born
daughter’s
education
so
that
one
day
when
I
leave
this
earth,
she
will
have
something.”
Given
the
lack
of
capital,
JC
has
since
entered
into
a
formal
joint
venture
arrangement
with
the
former
white
farmer
who
intends
to
build
an
agricultural
school
on
the
plot.
Others
however
were
able
to
make
use
of
patronage
connections
to
build
successful
operations.
This
was
usually
on
the
back
of
earlier
success
–
such
as
slow
accumulation
from
below,
now
accelerated
by
accumulation
from
above
(or
where
other
businesses
could
be
combined.
Case
8:
GM,
A2
farm
GM
is
a
63-year-old
war
veteran,
businessman,
senior
ZANU-PF
politician,
Member
of
Parliament
(MP)
and
serving
minister
in
government.
Previously
a
school
headmaster
at
a
local
school
before
his
retirement
from
the
job
in
2017,
he
joined
politics
and
became
a
ZANU-PF
MP
in
2018
and
is
currently
serving
as
a
cabinet
minister
in
government.
GM
acquired
a
162ha
self-contained
plot
in
1999,
and
has
since
purchased
two
additional
plots
from
struggling
neighbours.
At
settlement,
he
had
11
cattle.
In
2008,
he
received
a
government
loan
of
ZW$30
billion
under
the
Farm
Mechanisation
programme
to
purchase
30
in-calf
heifers.
He
then
repaid
the
loan
a
year
later
when
the
money
was
‘worthless’
due
to
hyperinflation.
In
2018,
he
received
5
heifers
under
the
Command
Livestock
programme,
although
he
already
had
200
cattle.
Today,
he
owns
more
than
200
cattle.
Initially,
he
mainly
relies
on
leasing-in
additional
land
for
grazing
as
a
strategy
to
deal
with
variability.
Now,
as
a
senior
politician,
GM
has
extensive
social
networks
and
political
connections,
and
is
able
to
secure
access
to
grazing
and
water
for
free.
For
instance,
during
the
recent
drought
(2023-24),
he
was
grazing
his
animals
for
free
at
the
Agricultural
Rural
Development
Authority
(ARDA)
Antelope
Estate
in
Maphisa.
Decline
None
of
these
accumulation
strategies
are
forever.
And
we
see
lots
of
cases
where
once
successful
farms
are
on
the
decline.
The
boom-and-bust
cycle
may
shift
into
simply
bust,
as
external
businesses
fail,
patronage
sources
dry
up,
or
other
misfortunes
beset
the
family.
The
slow,
stuttering
accumulation
from
below
may
equally
reverse
as
farmers
get
older,
ill/infirm
or
pass
on,
with
wives
or
sons/daughters
unable
to
continue
in
the
same
way.
Some
of
those
who
arrived
on
their
A2
farms
with
excitement
and
vision,
but
little
experience
in
farming
and
poor
business
sense,
threw
money
at
them,
built
up
herds
and
invested,
but
the
whole
thing
collapsed
in
a
few
years,
as
the
following
cases
illustrate.
Case
9:
SM,
A2
farm
SM,
who
emigrated
to
South
Africa
in
1997
and
is
an
accountant
by
profession,
acquired
an
A2
plot
in
2012
after
he
was
“forced”
to
retire
from
his
highly
paid
job
in
Johannesburg.
At
the
time,
he
was
running
a
cross-border
transport
business
and
printing/internet
shop
in
South
Africa
and
so
decided
to
venture
into
livestock
farming
in
order
to
diversify
his
portfolio.
At
settlement,
he
had
35
cattle
and
over
50
goats.
During
the
2011-12
drought,
he
capitalised
on
drought
distress
sales
of
livestock
in
his
original
home
in
Lupane,
and
exchanged
livestock
with
grain.
However,
in
2015,
his
transport
business
began
to
flounder
because
of
lack
of
“good
loads”,
marking
the
beginning
of
financial
challenges.
The
final
blow
came
in
2017
when
one
of
his
errant
drivers
stripped
the
new
tyres
fromone
of
his
trucks,
which
he
had
recently
replaced
for
ZAR60,000
and
abandoned
the
truck
in
Kadoma.
By
2018
he
had
disposed
of
two
of
the
trucks
and
was
left
with
one,
which
he
was
trying
to
sell
so
that
he
could
“revamp”
his
farm
using
the
proceeds.
His
internet
and
printing
business
also
collapsed.
Financial
challenges
meant
that
he
could
not
visit
his
farm
regularly
to
check
up
and
bring
supplies
for
his
workers.
In
2015,
his
hired
herders
sold
10
cattle
and
over
30
goats,
and
ran
away
to
South
Africa.
Having
no
income
to
buy
supplementary
feed,
8
of
his
cattle
also
died
through
starvation
during
the
2015-16
drought.
Today,
he
owns
less
than
10
cattle,
which
are
kept
by
a
neighbour
in
Luma
farm
(where
he
owns
an
A1
plot)
under
a
loaning
arrangement.
He
has
since
abandoned
the
A2
farm,
and
in
2017,
he
was
served
with
a
“notice
to
repossess”
the
farm
by
the
District
Lands
Office
because
his
“development
is
not
visible”.
Today,
SM
trades
in
forex
online
for
a
living
in
South
Africa
as
“jobs
are
scarce”.
Case
10:
MT,
A2
farm
MT,
in
his
late
40s,
acquired
land
in
2016.
This
land
initially
belonged
to
a
92-year-old
and
infirm
war
veteran
who
had
“done
nothing”
on
it
since
allocation
in
the
early
2000s.
When
MT
obtained
the
land,
he
was
running
a
thriving
construction
business
in
South
Africa,
combined
with
other
agricultural
‘projects
such
as
dairy,
rabbits
and
horticulture
in
the
outskirts
of
Johannesburg.
For
his
construction
business,
he
used
political
connections
to
secure
government
contracts
under
the
Zuma
administration,
making
him
a
‘tenderprenuer’.
With
adequate
financial
resources,
MT
wasted
no
time
in
investing
in
fencing,
housing
infrastructure,
a
weir
and
so
on.
In
2017,
he
also
bought
a
herd
of
21
Beef
Master
cattle
for
US$1500
per
heifer
and
US$2000
for
a
bull.
He
also
had
a
flock
of
43
goats.
Clearly,
the
household
was
on
an
upward
trajectory.
However,
following
President
Zuma’s
resignation
in
early
2018,
things
begun
to
change.
His
construction
business
began
to
falter
as
the
then
new
President
Ramaphosa
clamped
down
on
corruption
practices.
This
was
worsened
by
the
outbreak
of
COVID-19.
By
the
end
of
2022,
MT
was
heavily
in
debt
both
in
South
Africa
and
Zimbabwe,
and
he
and
his
family
had
moved
back
home
and
closed
down
the
construction
business.
He
had
taken
a
loan
of
USD50,000
from
a
microfinance
company
in
Bulawayo
and
invested
in
a
truck,
but
his
financial
situation
had
not
improved.
In
the
same,
year
he
decided
to
sell
all
his
cattle
“at
a
give-away
price”
to
service
his
debt.
In
2024,
he
tried
his
hand
in
horticulture
at
the
farm,
but
with
limited
success.
Today,
MT
is
leasing
out
his
whole
farm
for
grazing
to
other
livestock
farmers,
while
he
lives
in
Bulawayo.
As
one
of
his
neighbours
told
us,
“His
situation
has
not
improved
to
this
day”.
Gender
and
generation
The
classification
offered
above
is
very
much
one
centred
on
accumulation
by
(older)
male
owners.
Men
are
usually
the
main
herd
owners
and
the
business
operations
on
and
off
farm
are
usually
run
by
men.
Nearly
all
workers
are
men,
although
some
have
families
with
them
on
the
farm.
Women
are
however
central
in
providing
wider
support
to
these
dynamics.
Women
may
be
supporting
families
in
town
while
men
are
at
the
farms
managing
the
herds.
Women
may
also
have
their
own
jobs
in
town
or
businesses
that
can
feed
into
farm
businesses,
just
as
men
do.
In
the
A1
areas
women
may
be
central
to
crop
farming
and
so
support
the
overall
household
trajectory.
And,
particularly
in
the
A1
areas,
they
may
have
their
own
livestock-based
accumulation
strategies,
centred
on
small
stock
that
complement
the
cattle-focused
male
accumulation
story.
These
are
linked
to
other
activities,
including
thatch
grass
collection,
mopane
worm
harvesting
and
so
on,
which
provide
women
with
independent
income.
And
when
husbands
pass
on
(as
has
happened
in
a
number
of
our
sample
households,
especially
in
A2/SC
areas),
women
may
take
over
the
farm
and
continue
to
operate
it,
especially
if
they
too
can
link
to
off-farm
employment
and
business
activities.
Intergenerational
succession
is
especially
challenging
in
our
A2/SC
Matobo
sites,
as
young
people
(and
wives)
often
do
not
have
the
interest
or
capacity
to
take
over
a
farm
which
is
remote,
difficult
to
run
and
with
limited
facilities.
There
are
not
the
possibilities
of
the
type
of
‘projects’
that
we
have
seen
in
our
other
sites,
as
the
conditions
are
not
conducive.
In
the
A1
areas,
young
people
returning
from
South
Africa
after
a
period
of
work
are
often
just
living
at
their
parents’
home,
bored
and
underemployed,
and
many
young
men
succumb
to
drugs
and
drink
as
a
result.
In
these
cases,
especially
as
parents
who
took
on
the
farm
at
land
reform
become
older
(and
less
able
to
run
the
farm),
there
is
often
a
switch
from
slow
accumulation
to
slow
decline,
sometimes
leading
to
abandonment.
Future
prospects?
Overall,
the
particular
context
of
a
dryland
setting
where
livestock
are
the
central
source
of
on-farm
accumulation
presents
some
important
differences
to
the
crop
dominated
settings
in
our
other
sites.
Managing
variability
in
a
fragmented
and
increasingly
‘full’
landscape
requires
investment
in
social
relations
to
secure
access
to
grazing
and
water.
This
may
happen
through
leasing/rental
or
through
sharing
arrangements
with
neighbours
or
through
loaning
out
cattle
to
others
to
herd
them
in
areas
with
surplus
fodder.
External
business
connections
are
vital
for
the
A2/SC
farms
in
the
absence
of
other
support.
Effective
accumulation
requires
a
whole
suite
of
other
social
and
capital
investments
to
secure
fodder,
water
and
so
on,
especially
in
drought
periods.
Reversals
of
good
fortunes
easily
happen,
and
we
see
many
changes
over
time,
with
a
sequence
of
strategies
being
followed
as
circumstances
change,
some
with
upward
trajectories,
othersnot.
In
a
dryland
environment,
connected
to
a
volatile
economy,
non-linearity
is
the
norm,
as
our
case
studies
show.
The
future
therefore
looks
very
uncertain,
although
the
core
accumulation
strategies
outlined
here
will
persist,
which
ones
will
dominate
over
time
remains
unclear
and
is
highly
dependent
on
the
wider
context,
which
remains
highly
volatile.
This
blog
concludes
this
series
on
accumulation
dynamics.
We
hope
readers
have
enjoyed
the
series
and
the
previous
one
on
success
perceptions
of
‘success’.
Together
these
blog
series
form
the
core
of
our
initial
findings
based
on
participatory
workshops
and
qualitative
biographical
interviews
of
our
project
on
25
years
after
land
reform.
There
is
much
more
to
come,
but
right
now
the
team
is
focusing
on
the
repeat
survey
of
our
now
2000
odd
households
across
our
sites
(a
big
job!).
For
the
next
few
weeks
we
will
take
a
break
from
the
blog
and
return
towards
the
end
of
September
for
more.
This
blog
has
been
written
by
Ian
Scoones
and
Tapiwa
Chatikobo,
with
inputs
from
Felix
Murimbarimba
(who
facilitated
the
workshops),
Godfrey
Mahofa,
Jacob
Mahenehene,
Sydney
Jones
(Matobo),
Moses
Mutoko
(Masvingo),
Makiwa
Manaka
(Gutu),
Vincent
Sarayi/Peter
Tsungu
(Mvurwi)
amongst
many
others
in
each
of
our
sites.
This
blog
first
appeared
on Zimbabweland
Post
published
in:
Agriculture