Municipal police turns into a militia – The Zimbabwean

On September 4, 2019, CHRA Programmes Officer, Reuben Akili was heavily assaulted by municipal police officers for telling them that their heavy handedness on vendors was tainting the image of the council.

As if that was not enough, Akili was bundled into a council truck and was accused of stabbing a municipal police officer.

He was released after the intervention of a senior council employee.

Akili sustained injuries as a result of the assault.

This case will not go unchallenged.

We have since engaged legal experts who are working on the case and ultimately, we will seek to bring the identified culprits to book.

We will also engage council officials over the unruly behavior of municipal police officers who have turned into a militia and in the process, violating citizens’ rights in the city center.

In as much as we appreciate the role of municipal police officers, we are firmly against the use of force in the execution of their duties.

Municipal police officers have become notorious for extortion and abuse and as CHRA, we will work flat out to put this to an end.

Mugabe was no revolutionary. He was obsessed with power and control
Zimbabwe’s intellectual despot: how Mugabe became Africa’s fallen angel

Post published in: Featured

Zimbabwe’s intellectual despot: how Mugabe became Africa’s fallen angel – The Zimbabwean

Three great questions dominated the 37-year rule of Robert Gabriel Mugabe, who has died aged 95.

One is the mystery of how a giant of Africa’s liberation movement, an intellectual who preached racial reconciliation long before Nelson Mandela emerged from prison, could turn into a caricature of despotism.

Another is what kind of future he would bequeath Zimbabwe, a beautiful yet benighted country that he ruled for almost all of the nearly four decades that have passed since it won independence from the British.

The third was the nature of his passing: would he die or be deposed?

We got the answer to the last one in November 2017, when Mugabe was ousted in a military coup in everything but name then ruthlessly sacked by his own party. Reluctantly, bewildered and shaken, the ailing president stood down. His last weeks in power had been dominated by a power struggle between his wife, Grace, and the former vice-president Emmerson Mnangagwa, a long-serving veteran of Zimbabwe’s 1970s liberation wars who had always been viewed as a likely successor. The news of Mugabe’s departure was greeted with rejoicing across the nation.

For the other two questions there are clues, but no easy answers, to the making of this dictator.

He was abandoned by his father as a boy; he suffered the deaths of a three-year-old son and a compassionate wife; then there was his warped fascination with Britain.

Mugabe was awarded an honorary knighthood by the Queen then stripped of the honour, an insult he never forgave. The former colonial power shaped his dress code, manners and vision to the end. “Cricket civilises people and creates good gentlemen. I want everyone to play cricket in Zimbabwe,” he once said. “I want ours to be a nation of gentlemen.”

Robert Mugabe

Zimbabwe is a nation whose gentleness and articulacy seem at odds with the catalogue of torture and thuggery; a fertile land with the best climate in the world brought to the edge of ruin.

Robert Mugabe in 1976: leader of the Zimbabwean African National Union, one of the two armed liberation movements.

 Robert Mugabe in 1976: leader of the Zimbabwean African National Union, one of the two armed liberation movements. Photograph: Keystone/Getty

Mugabe created Zanu-PF, the ruling party, in his own image, and sought to do the same with Zimbabwe. He rose with quiet determination and ruthlessness.

Raised a Catholic and educated at missionary schools, he moved to Fort Hare University in South Africa for the first of his seven degrees and became a teacher in Ghana.

When he returned to the then Rhodesia in 1960, his political activism earned him a 10-year prison term for “subversive speech”, after which he fled to neighbouring Mozambique to lead the guerrilla forces of the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) – which had split from Joshua Nkomo’s Zimbabwe African People’s Union (Zapu) – in a protracted war against Ian Smith’s government that left 27,000 dead.

The 1979 Lancaster House agreement in London brought independence to Zimbabwe and Mugabe returned home a hero.

He announced a policy of reconciliation and invited whites to help rebuild the country.

“If yesterday I fought you as an enemy, today you have become a friend,” he told them. “If yesterday you hated me, today you cannot avoid the love that binds me to you.”

He initially ran a coalition government with Nkomo, his fellow freedom fighter, but the pair fell out.

Then came the biggest counter-argument to the notion that Mugabe was a good man slowly corrupted by power: Gukurahundi, or “the rain that washes away the chaff before the spring rains”.

As early as 1982 his North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade crushed an armed rebellion by fighters loyal to Nkomo in the province of Matabeleland. His rival’s party, Zapu, was ethnically largely Ndebele, while Zanu was predominantly Shona. This divide underlay the vicious ethnic cleansing that ensued in the mid-80s, when at least 20,000 people died in Matabeleland, a series of massacres classified as genocide by the US-based Genocide Watch.

Few in the west noticed, or wanted to. They preferred to see an economy that was growing as agriculture boomed and Mugabe built clinics and schools, turning Zimbabwe into one of the healthiest, best-educated and most hopeful countries in Africa.

Robert Mugabe saluting supporters in Salisbury (now Harare) after returning to the country from exile to fight the general election.

 Robert Mugabe saluting supporters in Salisbury (now Harare) after returning to the country from exile to fight the general election. Photograph: Picture library

The optimism began to sour in 1997, when Mugabe gave in to pressure from war veterans waging violent protests for pensions. Trade unions and political activists began organising what would become the first viable political threat to Mugabe, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). But it was partly bankrolled by white farmers, which allowed Mugabe to whip up militancy against it.

In 2000 Mugabe began a land reform programme, billed as an attempt to correct the unresolved colonialist legacy by giving white-owned farms to landless black people. Many saw it as a crude attempt to sideline the MDC, which commanded wide support among farm workers.

White farmers were forcibly evicted by self-styled war veterans, many too young ever to have fought in the liberation war, and their properties handed to Zanu-PF cronies or black Zimbabweans who lacked the skills and capital to farm.

The ensuing chaos undermined the economy, which shrank to half the size it had been in 1980. The one-time “breadbasket of Africa” became dependent on foreign aid to feed its masses. Hyperinflation turned the national currency into a standing joke – a hamburger cost 15m Zimbabwe dollars – and it had to be abolished as the US dollar became the de facto currency.

Schools and hospitals fell apart, once-eradicated diseases returned and life expectancy crashed from 61 to 45. Millions of people moved to neighbouring South Africa and other countries, a monumental flight of intellectual capital.

The political environment also became hostile, with activists and journalists persecuted, jailed or murdered. The MDC claims that 253 people died in political violence in the 2008 election. The party’s leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, widely seen as the vote’s real winner, was forced to join Mugabe in an uneasy power-sharing agreement.

The prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, and president, Robert Mugabe, at a rally to mark Zimbabwe’s 31st anniversary of independence in 2011.

 The prime minister, Morgan Tsvangirai, and president, Robert Mugabe, at a rally to mark Zimbabwe’s 31st anniversary of independence in 2011. It was an uneasy relationship. Photograph: Reuters

“He started very well but ended up disgraced because he eroded his own legacy by collapsing a once-vibrant economy, by violence, by appearing to tendencies of dictatorship and one-man rule,” Tsvangirai told the Guardian in a 2011 interview. “That’s what his record will reveal.”

Mugabe could not bear to relinquish power even when the democratic current turned against him two decades ago, he added. “I think the turning point of Mugabe was when he lost the support of the people, when it dawned on him the people no longer supported him. Then he became reactionary. He reacted to the people’s will by enforcing his will on the people. That was around the late 90s.”

Quite when, and why, Mugabe “moved from a hero to a villain” will be debated for many years to come. Denis Norman, a white farmer who became his agriculture minister from 1980 to 1985, said: “He was such a complex character who was very difficult to fully understand and analyse. He was a very intelligent man who ruthlessly pursued his goals and ambitions, which during his rise to power must have injured many who were also competing for top positions.

“I have always maintained that his driving force was the desire to control and remain in power, and once achieved to remain in that position. I am well aware of the allegations of corruption that have surrounded him, but without any evidence as opposed to rumours, I don’t believe that the creation of wealth was ever his motive; the same cannot be said for many of those who surround him.

“The softer side of his nature was rarely if ever seen, but it certainly used to exist, along with a warm sense of humour, but I believe he guarded both very carefully in case they are interpreted as a sign of weakness.”

Norman added: “I don’t think history will judge him favourably. He will be remembered for all the events that have taken place during his latter period in power: the land invasions, the rigged elections, the beatings in the townships and the ineptitude of the courts.”

Another insight is offered by Simba Makoni, who toured Europe with Mugabe in the late 1970s and served in his government. “I know of two Mugabes: the early Mugabe and the later Mugabe.

“The first Mugabe of the liberation struggle and the first 10, 15 years of independence isn’t the Mugabe we have today. I didn’t know him to be cruel, I didn’t know him to be uncaring in the time that I worked closely with him in the early years.”

He said the status Mugabe “deserves of a national hero on the basis of his role in the liberation of the country” was “totally wiped out” by his conduct after.

Makoni, a former finance minister, identifies three factors which led to the change in the leader’s character: the accord with Nkomo that in effect destroyed any meaningful opposition – “it removed the only alternative to Mugabe so he had no reason to look over his shoulder”; his switch from prime minister to president in 1987; and the death of his Ghanaian-born first wife Sally in 1992.

All of these happened after the Gukurahundi massacres. Makoni conceded: “I accept yes, you won’t find a rational explanation why a caring, compassionate leader would allow 20,000-30,000 of his citizens to be annihilated under the auspices of Gukurahundi. That notwithstanding, I would say the greater part of Mugabe would come through as a caring, compassionate, committed leader who wanted the best for his people – with the deviation or the aberration of Gukurahundi.”

Many of those who knew him describe an inner conflict between Mugabe the African nationalist and Mugabe the child of British colonialism.

Heidi Holland, who interviewed him for her book Dinner with Mugabe, described him as having tears in his eyes when discussing the royal family. Tendai Biti, another former finance minister, called him “a British gentleman in a proper Victorian sense”.

Makoni, who quit Zanu-PF to lead his own party, Mavambo Kusile Dawn, after a failed attempt to defeat Mugabe, said: “I would say Britain is a passion, not an obsession. He loves the place and its character, its mannerisms.

Emmerson Mnangagwa in 2002. The vice-president is known as ‘the crocodile’.

 Emmerson Mnangagwa, known as ‘the crocodile’, in 2002. Photograph: Obed Zilwa/AP

“I remember once his crew did the longest single flight because Mugabe left New York to go to Wellington in New Zealand and he came via London. You would fly from New York to the west coast across the Pacific to New Zealand, but he had to come back to London first. Every opportunity he had, when he still could go through London, he would go through London.”

Mugabe was stripped of his honorary knighthood in 2008 and subjected to targeted sanctions that prevented him travelling to Britain and other countries. He could no longer shop on Savile Row for his beloved suits and descended into what Tsvangirai describes as an “anti-British paranoia”. As the years wore on, he became increasingly bellicose in denouncing Britain while repeating the mantra: “Zimbabwe will never be a colony again.”

Makoni said: “All this vituperation, my reading of it, is like grapes are sour. My sense is all the anger about the illegal sanctions and all that … the fact that he hasn’t been able to go to London, I think it irked him a lot.”

There is one man who will forever cast a shadow across Mugabe.

Nelson Mandela’s life and career paralleled Mugabe’s in many ways until the South African president relinquished power after one five-year term. Mandela is revered as the greatest statesman Africa has produced; Mugabe, who clung on to power beyond his time, is seen as its fallen angel.

Allister Sparks, the late South African journalist, recalled a conversation with Mandela: “We got to talking about Mugabe, whom he really profoundly disliked, and I think it was reciprocated. He said, ‘You know Allister, the trouble with Mugabe is that he was the star – and then the sun came up.’”

Ex-Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe dies in hospital in Singapore, two years after he was ousted – The Zimbabwean

His death in Singapore, nearly two years after he was toppled from power, was confirmed this morning by current President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Reports in Zimbabwe say he died with his wife Grace at his side.

Mugabe had been in poor health, admitted to hospital in early April, apparently unable to walk and pictured looking extremely frail in photos alongside his son which may be the last ever taken of him.

Just a few weeks ago he reportedly asked to be buried next to his mother Bona on the family farm near Harare. He had refused a burial at the Heroes Acre, a North Korean-built monument where graves are waiting for him and his wife.

Mugabe was hailed by several African leaders today, many of whom stood by him despite the brutality of his regime. Mnangagwa hailed Mugabe as an ‘icon of liberation and said his ‘contribution to the history of our nation and continent will never be forgotten’.

But he will be little mourned by many of his countrymen who are now free to say so without fear of repression.

He came to power in 1980 as the founding leader of Zimbabwe, initially hailed as a liberator after the country became fully independent from British rule.

But his own reign was marked by murder, bloodshed, torture, persecution of political opponents, intimidation and vote-rigging on a grand scale and there was jubilation in the streets of Zimbabwe when he was toppled in 2017.

And under Mugabe’s leadership, which made him a pariah in the West, the economy of a mineral-rich country descended into chaos with thousands of people reduced to grinding poverty, many of them suffering from near-starvation and worse.

These photographs of the Robert Mugabe, taken in Singapore, show him looking frail and weak alongside his favourite son Robert Junior and may be the last ever taken of him

Robert Junior (left) spent much of his time with his the former president (right) in his final months, thought to be documenting his memoirs

Robert Junior (left) spent much of his time with his the former president (right) in his final months, thought to be documenting his memoirs

Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe for 40  years, during which time there was widespread bloodshed, persecution of political opponents and vote-rigging on a large scale

Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe for 40  years, during which time there was widespread bloodshed, persecution of political opponents and vote-rigging on a large scale

‘It is with the utmost sadness that I announce the passing on of Zimbabwe’s founding father and former President… Robert Mugabe,’ Emmerson Mnangagwa said today.

‘Mugabe was an icon of liberation, a pan-Africanist who dedicated his life to the emancipation and empowerment of his people. His contribution to the history of our nation and continent will never be forgotten.’

A hospital spokesman in Singapore said: ‘We are saddened by the news of the passing of Mr Robert Mugabe, former president of Zimbabwe.

‘Our thoughts and deepest condolences go out to his family and loved ones. We are unable to share further, out of respect for the privacy of Mr Mugabe and his family.’

Singapore’s Foreign Ministry said it was working with the Embassy of Zimbabwe to fly Mugabe’s body home to Zimbabwe for burial.

Mugabe died at 10.40am local time on Friday, diplomatic sources sadi.

Zimbabwean officials were spotted at a rear exit to the Gleneagles Hospital with undertakers from Singapore Casket, one of the country’s leading funeral directors.

Mugabe’s remains appeared destined for an undertakers’ parlour in Lavender Street, where a Mercedes Benz with diplomatic number plates was parked.

Zimbabwe's Charge d'Affairs Cladius Nhema (right) arrives at Singapore Casket undertakers today after Mugabe's death was announced

Zimbabwe’s Charge d’Affairs Cladius Nhema (right) arrives at Singapore Casket undertakers today after Mugabe’s death was announced

Gleneagles Hospital, where Zimbabwe's former President Robert Mugabe died, is seen today

Gleneagles Hospital, where Zimbabwe’s former President Robert Mugabe died, is seen today

In what appear to have been the last photos of Mugabe, the former dictator was seen looking frail and weak alongside his favourite son in June.

Robert Jr, who spent much of his time with his father in his final months, shared photos of Mugabe looking slumped and shrivelled in a tracksuit, baseball cap and white beard.

The pictures are believed to have been taken in Singapore where Mugabe had been receiving treatment.

Mugabe’s visible ailments were often shrouded in mystery. Officials often said he was being treated for a cataract, denying frequent private media reports that he had prostate cancer.

Robert Junior had apparently been taping his father’s memoirs since Mugabe was ousted in 2017.

Mugabe (left) with his eventual successor Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) in younger days

Mugabe (left) with his eventual successor Emmerson Mnangagwa (right) in younger days

Mugabe's later years were partly overshadowed by the ambitions of his wife Grace, whom he married in 1996 (pictured) and who aspired to be President herself

Mugabe’s later years were partly overshadowed by the ambitions of his wife Grace, whom he married in 1996 (pictured) and who aspired to be President herself

Mugabe with then-South African President Nelson Mandela in 1998

Mugabe with then-South African President Nelson Mandela in 1998

Despite Zimbabwe’s decline during his rule, Mugabe remained defiant, railing against the West for what he called its neo-colonialist attitude.

He enjoyed some support among peers in Africa who chose not to judge him in the same way as Britain, the United States and other Western detractors.

Today the South African government hailed him as a ‘fearless pan-Africanist liberation fighter’ and offered condolences ‘to the people of Zimbabwe’.

Kenyan leader Uhuru Kenyatta called him an ‘elder statesman, a freedom fighter and a Pan-Africanist who played a major role in shaping the interests of the African continent’.

The Chinese government, which was a staunch Mugabe supporter and has positioned itself as a powerful ally of Africa in recent years, today called him an ‘outstanding national liberation movement leader and politician of Zimbabwe’.

Russia’s Vladimir Putin also hailed him for his ‘great personal contribution to your country’s independence’.

Zimbabwe was one of the few countries that supported Moscow over its annexation of Crimea, voting against a United Nations resolution affirming the territorial integrity of Ukraine.

Even Nelson Chamisa, the leader of Zimbabwe’s opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), declared that ‘a giant has fallen’.

‘Even though I and our party, the MDC, and the Zimbabwean people had great political differences with the late former President during his tenure in office, and disagreed for decades, we recognise his contribution made during his lifetime as a nation’s founding President,’ he said.

The U.S. embassy in Harare issued a more cautious statement, saying: ‘We join the world in reflecting on his legacy in securing Zimbabwe’s independence.’

British politician Peter Hain, who grew up in South Africa and was a prominent anti-apartheid activist in the 1970s, said Mugabe was ‘a tragic case study of a liberation hero who then betrayed every one of the values of the freedom struggle’.

Mugabe raises his fists at a Rhodesia conference in Geneva in 1974, the year he was released from prison after 10 years of incarceration

Mugabe raises his fists at a Rhodesia conference in Geneva in 1974, the year he was released from prison after 10 years of incarceration

Diana, Princess of Wales talks to Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe when she visited Harare in 1993

Diana, Princess of Wales talks to Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe when she visited Harare in 1993

Former British diplomat George Walden, who dealt with Mugabe in the talks that led to his rise to power in 1979, called him a ‘true monster’.

‘The first thing to be said is that one mustn’t speak ill of the dead, except when they killed as many people as Mugabe did,’ he told the BBC’s Today programme.

Mugabe’s later years were partly overshadowed by the ambitions of his wife Grace, whom he married in 1996 and who aspired to be President herself.

His first wife, Sally, who had been seen by many as the only person capable of restraining him, died in 1992.

The topic of his succession was virtually taboo during Mugabe’s decades-long rule but became unavoidable as he clung to power into his 90s and his health weakened.

The military finally intervened in late 2017 to ensure that Grace’s presidential ambitions were ended in favour of their own preferred candidate.

The coup sparked wild celebrations on the streets of Zimbabwe. Today people gathered in small groups as the news filtered out in Harare.

‘I will not shed a tear, not for that cruel man,’ said Tariro Makena, a street vendor. ‘All these problems, he started them and people now want us to pretend it never happened.’

An embittered Mugabe resurfaced last year to say he was backing the opposition candidate at the 2018 election, refusing to support Mnangagwa and his own former ZANU-PF party.

Mugabe with Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip before a state banquet at Buckingham Palace in May 1994

Mugabe was born in Southern Rhodesia, as the British colony was then known, in 1924 and his rise to prominence began when he joined a resistance movement against British rule in the 1960s.

He was jailed for his nationalist activities in 1964 and spent the next 10 years in jails and prison camps.

When his infant son died of malaria in Ghana in 1966, Mugabe was denied parole to attend the funeral, a decision by the government of white-minority leader Ian Smith that some experts say played a part in explaining Mugabe’s subsequent bitterness.

After his release, he rose to the top of the powerful Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army, known as the ‘thinking man’s guerrilla’ on account of his seven degrees.

He became prime minister in 1980 of the new Republic of Zimbabwe and assumed the role of president seven years later.

During the 1980s Mugabe unleashed the North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade on a rival nationalist group in a campaign known as Gukurahundi – ‘the rain which washes away the chaff’ – which killed some 20,000 people. His successor Mnangagwa was Minister for State Security at the time.

In 2000 he led a campaign to evict white farmers from their land, which was given to black Zimbabweans, and led to famine.

Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth in 2002 over accusations of human rights abuses and economic mismanagement and increasingly became an international outcast.

When Mugabe came to power in 1980, life expectancy at birth in Zimbabwe was 59.4 years, rising to 60.8 years in 1986, according to the World Bank.

It then crashed to just 44.1 years by 2002 – a devastating indictment of his rule.

Spry in his impeccably tailored suits, Mugabe as leader maintained a schedule of events and international travel that defied his advancing age, though signs of weariness mounted toward the end.

Mugabe retained a strong grip on power, through controversial elections, until he was forced to resign in November 2017, at age 93.

‘Only God will remove me’: How Robert Mugabe massacred his opponents and rigged elections to cling to power for 37 years and leave Africa’s former breadbasket in poverty

‘Only God, who appointed me, will remove me.’ These were the words of Robert Mugabe, the former President of Zimbabwe who has died today at the age of 95, at an election rally in 2008.

Mugabe swore that he would rule until his death and his longevity sparked fear and fury among the Zimbabweans who had fallen victim to his tyranny.

During his 37 years in power he rigged elections, trashed the economy and unleashed death squads that massacred thousands of his opponents, making him a pariah in the West and reducing thousands of his countrymen to grinding poverty and starvation.

In the end it was not God who removed him, but a coup by his own military generals, who finally tired of him and forced him to resign in 2017. His downfall sparked wild celebrations in Zimbabwe, a country which was once the breadbasket of Africa but which he left mired in economic crisis.

In his retirement he cut a pathetic figure, his health visibly declining. He bitterly refused to support his successor Emmerson Mnangagwa in the 2018 elections.

But Mugabe’s support was not to be underestimated. For many, he remained a figure of liberation and triumph over white minority rule and he drew admirers in Africa for taking a hard line with the West.

Mugabe was born on February 21, 1924, into a Catholic family living 40 miles west of Harare. He was born in what was then the British colony of Southern Rhodesia, which operated under white-minority rule.

Grace Mugabe could now face prosecution for stealing Zimbabwe’s wealth and sharing it with her playboy sons

Grace Mugabe could now face prosecution for crimes allegedly committed while her husband Robert was in power.

The 55-year-old former secretary, who is known as ‘Gucci Grace’ for her fondness for luxury shopping, enjoyed a lavish lifestyle in a desperately impoverished country.

Grace was thought to have been given immunity along with Robert Mugabe by military authorities in Zimbabwe in November 2017.

But current president Emmerson Mnangagwa then told the BBC in January 2018 how he had not granted either of them immunity, although they would be ‘left in peace’.

He said they got a ‘lucrative’ retirement package, adding: ‘The new administration will do everything possible to make sure the family lives in peace, undisturbed.’

In March 2018, police began to investigate claims Grace fronted a poaching and smuggling syndicate which illegally exported elephant tusks, gold and diamonds.

She has not been charged over the allegations, but Mr Mnangagwa sanctioned the probe after Australian photographer Adrian Steirn uncovered ‘very strong’ evidence.

Mr Steirn spent four months investigating wildlife trafficking and posed as a customer for contraband ivory to infiltrate the illegal poaching networks.

He filmed sources claiming Grace smuggled ivory poached in national parks out of Zimbabwe by exploiting her airport security screening exemption as First Lady.

Then in December last year, South African prosecutors issued an arrest warrant for her for allegedly assaulting a model in Johannesburg in 2017.

Mugabe’s sons Robert Jr and Chatunga gained a reputation for their playboy lifestyle, and were evicted from a flat in South Africa in 2017 after it was damaged in a party.

That same year, Chatunga was pictured on social media appearing to pour a £200 bottle of champagne over a watch which he claimed was worth £45,000.

Robert Jr had dreams of a basketball career but US sanctions meant he could play in America, and he launched a clothing label in December 2017 called xGx.

Grace had become deeply unpopular among much of the Zimbabwean public due to her alleged corruption and volatile temper by the time Mugabe was ousted.

But at first she stayed out of politics and was known for her spending, including buying rare diamond jewellery and Rolls-Royce limousines for her playboy sons.

Grace owns vast tracks of land in Mazowe, some 20 miles north east of Harare, and is also believed to own houses in South Africa, Dubai and Singapore.

But last December, it was claimed Grace – whose property portfolio is worth more than £50million – had not paid her farm workers for three months.

This came after about 400 illegal gold miners invaded one of her farms in March 2018, and allegedly uprooted lemon trees, digging shafts and put gold ore on lorries.

The reports of her lavish spending and explosive temper earned her the title ‘Dis-Grace’ – and eyebrows were raised in 2014 when she gained a PhD in three months.

Her spending was an uncomfortable contrast with an economic crisis which left most of the 16 million population mired in poverty and unemployment.

As a child, he tended his grandfather’s cattle and goats, sang in church choir, played football and ‘boxed a lot,’ as he recalled later.

After his carpenter father walked out on the family when he was 10, the young Mugabe concentrated on his studies, qualifying as a schoolteacher at the age of 17.

An intellectual who initially embraced Marxism, he enrolled at Fort Hare University in South Africa, meeting many of southern Africa’s future black nationalist leaders.

His political rise began in the 1960s when he started to campaign for the colony’s independence from British rule. Jailed for his nationalist activities in 1964, he spent the next ten years in prison camps.

During his incarceration, he gained three degrees through correspondence, but the years in prison left their mark.

When his infant son died of malaria in Ghana in 1966, Mugabe was denied parole to attend the funeral, a decision by the government of white-minority leader Ian Smith that some experts say played a part in explaining Mugabe’s subsequent bitterness.

Smith’s white-minority government had declared independence in 1965 but Zimbabwe African National Union guerrilla fighters continued the struggle to end white rule.

Mugabe joined them after his release from prison in 1974, leading an armed struggle during which a number of rivals died in suspicious circumstances.

Mugabe swept to power in 1980, initially as Prime Minister of the newly-founded Republic of Zimbabwe, after white-minority rule was finally brought down under the weight of the insurgency and international sanctions. Tourism and mining flourished and Zimbabwe was the breadbasket of Africa.

Initially hailed as an African liberation hero and a champion of racial reconciliation, Mugabe soon revealed his true nature.

One of his rivals, fellow guerrilla leader Joshua Nkomo, was sacked from government in 1982 after the discovery of an arms cache in his Matabeleland province stronghold.

Not content with that, Mugabe unleashed the North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade on Nkomo’s Ndebele people in a campaign known as Gukurahundi – ‘the rain which washes away the chaff’ – which killed some 20,000 people.

Mugabe, whose party drew most of its support from the ethnic Shona majority, changed the constitution to make himself President in 1987 and continued to solidify his hold on power. He waged a brutal military campaign against an uprising in western Matabeleland province.

It was the violent seizure of white-owned farms which finally turned Mugabe into an international pariah.

In the earlier years of his regime he consorted freely with world leaders, pictured at various times with the Queen, Princess Diana, Tony Blair and Hillary Clinton. From the 2000s onwards he was shunned by most of the West.

Land reform was supposed to take much of the country’s most fertile land – owned by about 4,500 white descendants of mainly British and South African colonial-era settlers – and redistribute it to poor blacks. Instead, Mugabe gave prime farms to ruling party leaders, party loyalists, security chiefs, relatives and cronies.

Violence reigned and much of the white population fled the country. Commercial farming collapsed. Harvests dropped by 40 per cent. There were fights for the maize that remained on the supermarket shelves.

Zimbabwe’s economy entered a downwards spiral, with inflation reaching billions of percent before the local currency was scrapped in favour of the US dollar.

Russian President Vladimir Putin meets with his Zimbabwean counterpart Robert Mugabe at the Kremlin in Moscow in May 2015

The land reforms were widely condemned worldwide, with Britain’s then prime minister Tony Blair describing the attacks on white farmers as ‘barbaric’.

Mugabe hit back, calling Blair a ‘liar’ and an ‘arrogant little fellow’.

The insults didn’t end there. He called then US secretary of state Condoleezza Rice ‘that girl born out of the slave ancestry’ echoing ‘her master’s voice’.

Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth in March 2002, after Mugabe had been denounced for vote-rigging his own re-election.

Mugabe blamed Western sanctions for the economic collapse, although they were targeted at him and his cronies personally, not at the economy.

He lacked the easy charisma of Nelson Mandela, the anti-apartheid leader and contemporary who became South Africa’s first black president in 1994 after reconciling with its former white rulers.

However, his hard line with the West won him admirers and several African leaders paid tribute to him today.

Mugabe making a speech at Heroes Day in Harare in 1987, the year he became President

‘They are the ones who say they gave Christianity to Africa,’ Mugabe said of the West during a visit to South Africa. ‘We say: “We came, we saw and we were conquered”.’

In 2008 Mugabe’s rule appeared threatened when he lost the first round of the presidential vote against his long-time rival Morgan Tsvangirai.

But Tsvangirai dropped out of the second round after a campaign of violence against his supporters and Mugabe was back in power.

After that election, the West mobilised against him, with former French president Nicholas Sarkozy saying point blank: ‘President Mugabe must go.’ But Mugabe bludgeoned his way to another election victory in 2013, aged 89.

‘I have many degrees in violence,’ Mugabe once boasted on a campaign trail, raising his fist. ‘You see this fist, it can smash your face.’

Mugabe’s later years were partly overshadowed by the ambitions of his wife Grace, whom he married in 1996 and who aspired to be President herself.

His first wife, Sally, who had been seen by many as the only person capable of restraining him, died in 1992.

Known for her elaborate spending sprees of up to £75,000, Grace had an affair and three children with Mugabe when his first wife Sally was dying of kidney disease.

Mugabe and Grace were billionaires. The rest of the country had no money or food. Marx’s Communist Manifesto lay in the gutter.

Mugabe raises arms with former Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi in Harare in July 2001

Even after 2008, when Mugabe was forced to form an inclusive government with the Movement for Democratic Change, tyranny continued.  Despite talk of cooperation, MDC officials faced arrests, imprisonment and torture.

It became illegal for two people in the country to meet and discuss politics without approval from the police.

The topic of his succession was virtually taboo during Mugabe’s decades-long rule but became unavoidable as he clung to power well into his 90s and his health weakened.

The military finally intervened in late 2017 to ensure that Grace’s presidential ambitions were ended in favour of their own preferred candidate.

The announcement prompted jubilant scenes in the capital Harare as the news spread and Zimbabweans took to the streets to celebrate the downfall of the ageing dictator.

Until his death aged 95, announced this morning, Mugabe had a luxurious retirement.

Though he disappeared from mainstream politics he was given a state residence, a private car fleet and free air travel.

An embittered Mugabe resurfaced last year to say he was backing the opposition candidate at the 2018 election, refusing to support Mnangagwa and his own former ZANU-PF party.

He was visibly frail in his final months and died in hospital today.

WATCH: ANC reacts to Mugabe’s passing – The Zimbabwean

JOHANNESBURG – The African National Congress has extended condolences to Robert Mugabe’s family following news of his death on Friday.

In a statement, the party said Mugabe would always be remembered for his rallying cry: “Africa is for Africans, Zimbabwe is for Zimbabweans.”

“To the Mugabe family, we extend our heartfelt condolences.”

“To our friends in ZANU-PF be comforted that you have lost a leader whose service to his country will forever be inscribed. We mourn with you the passing of our friend, statesman, leader, revolutionary”, read the statement.

The former Zimbabwe president died on Friday aged 95 after battling ill-health.

He was receiving treatment in Singapore.

Ex-Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe dies in hospital in Singapore, two years after he was ousted
LIVE: WATCH | Zimbabweans react to death of Mugabe

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OBITUARY | Robert Mugabe: A leader loved and hated in equal measure by Zimbabweans – The Zimbabwean

Loved and hated in almost equal measure by Zimbabweans, the former teacher was best known for leading Zimbabwe to independence, his controversial land reform programme, his hatred of any political opposition and his very glamorous young wife Grace.

Mugabe was reported to have died with such frequency in recent years that he boasted once that he had “beaten Jesus Christ because he only died once”. But as he became noticeably more doddery in his 90s, slipping twice in public in 2015, officials in his party began to campaign more openly to succeed him despite his very obvious displeasure.

The lonely former cattle herder and teacher ruled Zimbabwe with an iron grip from independence in 1980. He came to power on a wave of international goodwill, promising reconciliation with whites who stayed on in the former Rhodesia after a 12-year bush war. But the soothing platitudes turned sour.

Zimbabweans reflect one year after Mugabe resignation

As the country prepares to mark one year since then-president Robert Mugabe stepped down, Zimbabweans reflect on the expectations they had as the nonagenarian strongman’s 37-year hold on power came to end, but say the change they hoped for has not…

In the early 1980s, he launched a brutal attack on dissidents in the southern Matabeleland provinces. Up to 20 000 villagers were killed by the president’s North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade in an operation known as Gukurahundi (The Rains that Sweep Away the Chaff).

Land redistribution 

It took him 20 years to offer any kind of apology. By then Mugabe had turned his sights on the latest threat: the newly-formed Movement for Democratic Change, led by former textile worker Morgan Tsvangirai.

Believing the party was to be bankrolled by Zimbabwe’s 4 000 white farmers, Mugabe embarked on a programme of land redistribution. Thirteen farmers were killed and tens of thousands of farmworkers lost homes and jobs in the grabs, which are ongoing.

Agricultural production plummeted, shortages set in and inflation began to climb, reaching at its apogee in 2008 an official 231 million percent.

When the MDC won most seats in major cities in parliamentary elections in 2005, Mugabe embarked on more retribution: sending out bulldozers to tear down shacks in Zimbabwe’s townships. The UN said 700 000 lost their homes or jobs in Operation Murambatsvina (Drive Out The Filth).Few were ever rehoused.

When he lost the first round of presidential elections to Tsvangirai in 2008, Mugabe’s security chief drew up a quick plan of attack. Two hundred MDC supporters were killed, leading Tsvangirai to pull out of the second round.

The ‘nearest woman’ to him 

The regional SADC grouping refused to accept Mugabe’s victory, forcing him into a coalition in September (though he made sure he and his allies gave up little power). Soon cholera was creeping through Zimbabwe’s wrecked townships, helped on by a public health system in tatters. At least 4 000 Zimbabweans died: Mugabe and his allies blamed the outbreak on Western sanctions.

In later years, Mugabe tried to soften his image, granting interviews to state media and, in December 2013, to the son of a South African freedom fighter, Dali Tambo.

In these carefully-choreographed pieces, viewers were treated to titbits of life chez les Mugabe: Grace enthusing about her husband rescuing her dairy project, Mugabe – less flatteringly – acknowledging that he chose his secretary because she was “the nearest” woman to him when his first wife Sally lay dying from kidney disease.

Grace suddenly took on a much bigger role in politics in 2014, after years as a demure shoe-shopper and philanthropist. She was instrumental in getting vice president Joice Mujuru fired in December 2014, officially for wearing a miniskirt and plotting to “kill” Mugabe (though everyone knew it was really because Mujuru’s popularity had become a threat to the first couple).

Brave leader 

As head of the Zanu-PF women’s league, Grace was given a right-hand seat in Mugabe’s Soviet-style politburo. Her insistence that she was senior to the two party officials who were named to the vice presidency after Mujuru’s unceremonious dismissal was at odds with her oft-repeated denials that she had any desire to take Mugabe’s place as president.

Mugabe himself stayed mum on the subject, though he occasionally appeared to suggest he had no control of his wife.

In much of southern Africa, Mugabe was seen as a brave leader who’d dared to challenge – and humiliate – white settlers by retaking their land. His popularity was harder to gauge within Zimbabwe, where he continued to win elections with overwhelming support from rural populations.

Significantly, Mugabe’s support base appeared to strengthen during the four years of the coalition as some tech-savvy urban youths grew disillusioned with Tsvangirai’s personal excesses and the corruption of low-level MDC councillors.

As he turned 90, the president became an unlikely fashion icon. Soccer supporters jostled to wear a “Hovhorosi-style” overall, emblazoned with the president’s signature.There were Mugabe T-shirts and Mugabe umbrellas. It was reported that if you managed to get a Mugabe signature on your car, you wouldn’t be forced to pay a bribe at a roadblock. But the fear remained. As the economy dipped again from 2014, frustrations mounted. Everyone knew he was on his way out: the only question was when.

Complex web of fear

Mugabe was called many things over the years by fed-up Zimbabweans. “Rotten old donkey” was a favourite term of abuse: “Robot Mugabe” was another. But bad-mouthing the president was a crime that could get you arrested. The scary thing was that in most cases the ‘insulters’ were shipped by ordinary Zimbabweans: bus passengers, shoppers at a supermarket till, fellow beer drinkers or members of a WhatsApp chat group.

Mugabe’s lieutenants maintained a complex web of fear, starting with his military generals and reaching down to the lowest level of informants. At the heart of the post-2000 crisis, Roman Catholic Archbishop Pius Ncube – himself brought down in a CIO honey-trap – estimated that 1 in 6 Zimbabweans was in the pay of the secret service. The size of the secret service was never confirmed, but two reporters who dared suggest agents had been paid a yearly bonus at the end of 2015 when the rest of the civil service hadn’t, found themselves in police cells.

Mugabe had been ailing for a long time. As a reporter, you got used to the Has-he-gone-yet? phone-call late at night, the sighting of his military helicopter at a Pretoria health facility. Before Wikileaks the rumour in Harare was that he had syphilis. Then his personal banker, Gideon Gono told the US ambassador it was actually prostate cancer he was afflicted with, advanced and terminal. That was in 2008. As his doctors predicted, he took years to die, maintained by frequent trips for Far Eastern medical attention – and, no doubt, the grim knowledge that his party would likely implode without him.

His mother Bona had lived until well into her 90s: his genes were good.

– Compiled by Alet Janse van Rensburg

LIVE: WATCH | Zimbabweans react to death of Mugabe
Jackals, transformers, chicken and chips

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Public Hearings Monday 9th to Thursday 12th August – The Zimbabwean

PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEES SERIES 33/2019

Public Hearings Monday 9th to Thursday 12th August
on the Money Laundering and Proceeds of Crime Amendment Bill

The Portfolio Committee on Budget, Finance and Economic Development will conduct public consultations on the Money Laundering and Proceeds of Crime Bill (H.B. 4,2019) from Monday 9th September to Thursday 12th September 2019.

Copies of the Bill can be downloaded from the Veritas website using this hyperlink.

The public consultations will take the form of public meetings in Harare, Mutare, Gweru and Bulawayo in accordance with the programme shown in the table below.

Date Place Venue Time
Monday 09
September
Harare New Ambassador Hotel 2.00 pm
Tuesday 10
September
Mutare Mutare Holiday Inn 2.00 pm
Wednesday 11
September
Gweru Gweru Civic Centre 2.00 pm
Thursday 12
September
Bulawayo Small City Hall 10.00 am

Attendance at the Public Consultations

Members of the public, interested groups and organisations are invited to attend these meetings and express their views to the portfolio committee members on the provisions of the Bill.  But any person wearing military uniform, signs of rank, flags or badges or political party regalia will not be allowed access to the meetings.

Purpose of the Public Consultations

Parliament is obliged by section 141 of the Constitution to facilitate public involvement in its legislative processes and to ensure that interested parties are consulted about Bills to be considered by Parliament.  Hence the holding of these public consultations by the portfolio committee.  The committee will in due course present a report to the National Assembly when it considers the Bill – and this report will, for the benefit of all MPs, include feedback received from those attending these public consultations.

The meetings, therefore, provide an opportunity for anyone to engage with the MPs on the committee to ensure that they are made aware of public opinion on the Bill’s provisions and any suggestions for changes that people feel should be made to the Bill.

Written submissions and correspondence are also welcome.  And it may be helpful to the committee if oral submissions made at a meeting are supported or supplemented by written submissions.  Written submissions can be handed in to the Parliamentary officials at one of the meetings.  Alternatively, anyone unable to attend a meeting can address his or her written submission or correspondence to:

The Clerk of Parliament

Attention: Portfolio Committee on Budget, Finance and Development

PO Box CY 298

Causeway, Harare

or have it delivered to Parliament at corner Kwame Nkrumah Avenue and Third Street, Harare or emailed to [email protected].

Queries and Further Information

Parliament’s telephone numbers are: (024) 2700181-8, 2252936-50.

Contact persons

Mrs Mataruka (Committee Clerk) :  extension 2062

Sibonisiwe Nkala (Public Relations Officer) : extensions 2310/2143

Fax: (024) 2252935

Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal responsibility for information supplied.

Jackals, transformers, chicken and chips
Zimbabwe’s deepening crisis: time for second government of national unity?

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Zimbabwe’s deepening crisis: time for second government of national unity? – The Zimbabwean

Many Zimbabweans have turned to hawking to keep the wolf from the door as the economic crisis in the country deepens.
EFE-EPA

Tapiwa Chagonda, University of Johannesburg

Zimbabwe is going through its worst socio-economic and political crisis in two decades. Crippling daily power outages of up to 18 hours and erratic supply of clean water are just some of the most obvious signs. Meanwhile, an inflation rate of over 500% has put the prices of basic goods beyond the reach of most people.

Hopes that the end of President Robert Mugabe’s ruinous rule in November 2017 would help put the country on a new path of peace and prosperity have long dissipated. Efforts by his successor President Emmerson Mnangagwa to attract foreign investors, who are critical in reviving Zimbabwe’s ailing economy, have also largely failed.

The situation has not been helped by the rejection of the 2018 presidential election results by the main opposition party. The Movement for Democratic Change Alliance (MDC-A) claims the governing Zanu-PF stole the elections even though the results were endorsed as free and fair by the African Union and Southern African Development Community (SADC). Only the European Union observers were somewhat circumspect in their assessment.

The opposition alliance has been calling for Mnangagwa’s government to relinquish power, and a national transitional authority appointed to run the country for at least two years, or until the 2023 general elections.

How individuals who will sit on the national transitional authority will be chosen and by whom, is not clear. But the party and some academics believe such a transitional authority would normalise Zimbabwe’s highly polarised political situation and help it revive its relations with the West.

The opposition may have a point on re-engagement with the West. This is key to helping end the investment drought that started in earnest between 2000 and 2003 under sanctions imposed by Western countries for human rights violations linked to Zanu-PF’s violent land reform seizures and election rigging.

But the transitional authority idea is doomed to fail because of lack of buy-in by Zanu-PF. So, it’s time to consider a more viable alternative path to peace for Zimbabwe.

Clamping down

For now, the government has dismissed talk of a transitional authority as unconstitutional. Instead, in May it launched its own platform, called the Political Actors Dialogue. The forum comprises 17 small political parties that participated in the 2018 elections.

The main opposition party is boycotting the process on grounds that Mnangagwa is an illegitimate president. Recently, it attempted to embark on public protests in the hope of bringing the government to its knees. The protests fell flat after being blocked by the courts and the police.

It boggles the mind why the MDC-A, led by Nelson Chamisa, insists on marches when previous attempts were crushed with brute force. These led to deaths in August 2018 and January 2019.

The Zanu-PF regime has always clamped down heavily on perceived threats to its rule since 1980. Why then does the MDC-A continue to endanger people’s lives through this deadly route as a way of resolving Zimbabwe’s socio-economic and political crises?

I firmly believe that the opposition needs to change tack and focus on entering into dialogue with the government.

Dialogue and unity government

Zimbabwe’s ongoing crisis requires the two leading political protagonists – Mnangagwa and Chamisa – to enter into serious dialogue. Both leaders need to soften their hard-line stances towards each other and put the people of Zimbabwe first.

There’s a precedent for this. Ten years ago, then South African President Thabo Mbeki managed to bring then President Mugabe and Movement for Democratic Change opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai to the negotiation table.

The talks culminated in the formation of the government of national unity that ran Zimbabwe from February 2009 to July 2013, with Mugabe as the President and Tsvangirai as the Prime Minister. The unity government was fairly successful and managed to stabilise the economy.

Two decades of suffering have shown that it is not the threat of protests or sanctions from the West that can move Zanu-PF to change, but neighbouring countries under the aegis of SADC. South Africa is pivotal in this regard as the region’s strongest economic and military power.

It’s time to experiment with a second government of national unity for Zimbabwe. But for this to happen, SADC and South Africa must have the appetite to intervene in Zimbabwe. This is currently lacking.

Dialogue in Zimbabwe’s history

Historically, dialogue has moved Zimbabwe forward as a nation during its darkest hours.

  • A year before independence in 1980, battle-hardened guerrilla commanders agreed to talk to the then Rhodesian Prime Minister, Ian Smith, to end Zimbabwe’s liberation war even though they were convinced that they were winning.
  • In 1987 Joshua Nkomo, who was the leader of the main opposition party, the Zimbabwean African People’s Union, agreed to talk to his political nemesis, then Prime Minister Mugabe. Yet before this, he had been hounded out of the country by Mugabe in the mid-80s, and thousands of his supporters killed.
  • More recently in 2009, Morgan Tsvangirai agreed to enter into a unity government with Mugabe, despite winning the first round of the 2008 elections. The unity government briefly resuscitated and stabilised Zimbabwe’s fragile economy. Hyperinflation was tamed, basic commodities became available again and people regained purchasing power.

The way forward

Given the MDC-A’s positive contribution during its brief stint in the 2009-2013 unity government, the party should be expending its energies on dialogue. The main opposition party can enter into a second government of national unity, but continue building and strengthening its own support.

In the same vein, Zanu-PF also needs to realise that without the involvement of the MDC-A, its attempts to revive the economy and end the strife in the country, on its own terms, are destined to fail.The Conversation

Tapiwa Chagonda, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of Johannesburg

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Public Hearings Monday 9th to Thursday 12th August
Tributes pour in for Robert Mugabe

Post published in: Business

LIVE: WATCH | Zimbabweans react to death of Mugabe – The Zimbabwean

“As a leader the only thing he did wrong was to stay in power for a long time and that’s the only thing that was not right,” says Harare resident Joshua Tsenzete.

Zimbabwe will one day shine again as the Jewel of Africa

Issued by Solly Malatsi – DA National Spokesperson

The Democratic Alliance (DA) has noted reports confirming the passing of former Zimbabwean President, Robert Mugabe. He will be remembered for his conflicting legacy as a liberator towards independence and an oppressor of the democratic values he once fought for.

President Mugabe oversaw the rise of Zimbabwe as an independent and prosperous Republic but he also oversaw the decline of Zimbabwe into a tyrannical dictatorship which violently repressed opposition and brutalized civilians.

Zimbabwe and her people have suffered a great deal because of this decline.

The repressive regime that President Mugabe left behind is now being put to good use by his erstwhile proteges to continue denying Zimbabweans their fundamental human rights.

It is the Democratic Alliance’s (DA) hope that Zimbabwe will one day shine again as the Jewel of this continent and that her people will finally be governed by fair democratic principles, which enshrine the protection of human rights, including the right to freedom of speech and expression, without fear of coercive violence at the hands of those in power.

We convey our condolences to President Robert Mugabe’s family and loved ones.

May there one day be Unity, Freedom and Work for the people of Zimbabwe.

ANALYSIS: Robert Mugabe as divisive in death as he was in life

The responses to the announcement were immediate and widely varied. Some hailed former Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe a liberation hero. Others dismissed him as a “monster”. This suggests that Mugabe will be as divisive a figure in death as he was in life, writes Roger Southall.

Migration

Figures are hard to pin down, but the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) has said about three million Zimbabweans are believed to live abroad.

Many of them fled due the economic crisis, heading to South Africa, Botswana, the Middle East, the United States, Britain and Australia.

“Emigration particularly after 2000 contributed significantly to brain drain especially in the health and education sectors,” IOM said.

“Zimbabwe was left incapacitated in terms of service delivery.”

SOURCE: https://zimbabwe.iom.int/news/zimbabwe-diaspora-botswana-commends-goz-engagement-efforts-acknowledges-iom-support

– AFP

Press Freedom

Zimbabwe is one of the least open countries for press freedom in the world. In 2002 it was ranked 122nd out of 139, and in 2019 127th out of 180.

Reporters Without Borders said that the government controls the two main newspapers, and all radio and television. Journalists must be accredited and foreign correspondents have been arrested and deported.

SOURCE: https://rsf.org/en/ranking

Corruption

Zimbabwe has consistently been ranked as one of the most corrupt countries in the world, rated at 160th out of 180 last year.

Transparency International said that the problems range from “petty, bureaucratic and political corruption to grand forms of corruption involving high level-officials”.

It also highlighted “the deeply entrenched system of political patronage, the tight grip of the ruling party over the security forces, and the history of political violence, repression and manipulation”.

SOURCE:https://www.transparency.org/country/ZWE#

– AFP

Data on health, economics, corruption, press freedom and migration reveals much about Robert Mugabe’s 37-year rule:

Life expectancy

When Mugabe came to power in 1980, life expectancy at birth in Zimbabwe was 59.4 years, rising to 60.8 years in 1986, according to the World Bank.

It then crashed to just 44.1 years by 2002 – a devastating indictment of his rule.

In 2006, the World Health Organisation put it even lower at 34 years for women and 37 for men – the worst figures worldwide.

The major causes were HIV-AIDS, the collapse of healthcare and falling standards of living as the country’s economy crumbled.

Life expectancy has now risen to 61.4 years according to WHO, largely due to international aid funding.

Mugabe died aged >- GDP growth –

Erratic GDP growth and decline has exposed Zimbabwe’s torrid economic woes… and its potential.

1980: +14.4%

1992: -9%

1996: +10.3%

2003: -16.9%

2008: -17.6%

2011: +14.1%

2015: +1.7%

2018: >- HIV-AIDS –

The HIV infection rate climbed sharply to a peak in 1997 at 27% of all 15 to 49-year-olds.

With a massive, foreign-funded treatment programme, it fell to 13.3% in 2017.

Last year Zimbabwe still had one of the highest HIV prevalences in sub-Saharan Africa, with 1.3 million people living with HIV.

But nearly every pregnant woman now has access to anti-retroviral medicines, according to Avert.

– AFP

Obituary: Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe a revolutionary

At his best, Robert Mugabe could rank beside such revolutionaries as Nelson Mandela and Che Guevara. In the 1970s, he was Africa’s teacher-turned Marxist rebel against white rule who declared: “Our votes must go together with our guns.”

He remains a Zimbabwean liberator who defied the West, but Mugabe, who died on Friday aged 95, will also be remembered as an autocrat who butchered opponents, rigged votes and gobbled up cake at lavish birthday parties while his people went hungry.

Mugabe’s life epitomised the ‘new African’ – ANC extends condolences after former Zimbabwean leader dies

ANC secretary general Ace Magashule has extended the party’s condolences to the family of former Zimbabwean president and liberator Robert Mugabe following reports of his death at the age of 95.

Magashule said Mugabe’s life epitomised the “new African” who, having shrugged off the colonial yoke, strived to ensure his country took its place among the community of nations, firmly in charge of its own destiny.

President Ramaphosa mourns passing of Mugaba

President Cyril Ramaphosa has on behalf of the government and people of South Africa expressed his sincere condolences to the people and government of the Republic of Zimbabwe following the passing of Founding President Robert Gabriel Mugabe.President Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s first post-independence president, has passed away in Singapore at the age of 95.

Paying tribute to President Mugabe, President Ramaphosa said: “South Africans join the people and government of Zimbabwe in mourning the passing of a liberation fighter and champion of Africa’s cause against colonialism.

“Under President Mugabe’s leadership, Zimbabwe’s sustained and valiant struggle against colonialism inspired our own struggle against apartheid and built in us the hope that one day South Africa too would be free.

“During the decades of our own struggle, Zimbabwe’s liberation movement supported our own liberation movement to fight oppression on multiple fronts. After Zimbabwe achieved independence, the apartheid state brutalised and violated Zimbabwe as punishment for supporting our own struggle.

“Many Zimbabweans paid with their lives so that we could be free. We will never forget or dishonour this sacrifice and solidarity.”

Early in his life, President Mugabe won a scholarship to Fort Hare University where he obtained the first of his seven academic degrees.

President Ramaphosa also acknowledged the role President Mugabe had played in advancing regional solidarity, integration and development through Zimbabwe’s participation in the Southern African Development Community.

Mugabe enjoyed acceptance among peers in Africa

Mugabe’s decline in his last years as president was partly linked to the political ambitions of his wife, Grace, a brash, divisive figure whose ruling party faction eventually lost out in a power struggle with supporters of Mnangagwa, who was close to the military.

Despite Zimbabwe’s decline during his rule, Mugabe remained defiant, railing against the West for what he called its neo-colonialist attitude and urging Africans to take control of their resources, a populist message that was often a hit even as many nations on the continent shed the strongman model and moved toward democracy.

Mugabe enjoyed acceptance among peers in Africa who chose not to judge him in the same way as Britain, the United States and other Western detractors.

Toward the end of his rule, he served as rotating chairperson of the 54-nation African Union and the 15-nation Southern African Development Community; his criticism of the International Criminal Court was welcomed by regional leaders who also thought it was being unfairly used to target Africans.

– Al Jazeera

Mugabe once famously said he’d rule his country until he turned 100

Mugabe’s four-year-old son by his first wife, Ghanaian-born Sally Francesca Hayfron, died while he was behind bars.

Rhodesian leader Ian Smith denied him leave to attend the funeral.

He once famously said that he’d rule his country until he turned 100, and many expected him to die in office. But growing discontent about the southern African country’s fractured leadership and other problems prompted a military intervention, impeachment proceedings by the Parliament and large street demonstrations for his removal.

The announcement of Mugabe’s November 21, 2017 resignation after he initially ignored escalating calls to quit triggered wild celebrations in the streets of the capital, Harare.

– Al Jazeera

Mugabe described as ‘a loner and a studious child’

Born on February 21, 1924, into a Catholic family at Kutama Mission northwest of Harare, Mugabe was described as a loner and a studious child, known to carry a book even while tending cattle in the bush.

After his carpenter father left the family when he was 10, the young Mugabe concentrated on his studies, qualifying as a schoolteacher at the age of 17.

An intellectual who initially embraced Marxism, he enrolled at Fort Hare University in South Africa, meeting many of Southern Africa’s future black nationalist leaders.

After teaching in Ghana, where he was influenced by founder president Kwame Nkrumah, Mugabe returned to what was then Rhodesia, where he was detained for his nationalist activities in 1964 and spent the next 10 years in prison camps or jail.

During his incarceration, he gained three degrees through correspondence, but the years in prison were wrenching.

– Al Jazeera

‘His contribution to the history of our nation and continent will never be forgotten’ – Mnangagwa

Former Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe has died at the age of 95, President Emmerson Mnangagwa said.

“It is with the utmost sadness that I announce the passing on of Zimbabwe’s founding father and former President, Cde Robert Mugabe,” Mnangagwa posted on Twitter early on Friday.

“His contribution to the history of our nation and continent will never be forgotten. May his soul rest in eternal peace,” he added.

After Mugabe’s fall from office in November 2017, his renowned physical stamina seemed to seep away.

The former political prisoner turned guerrilla leader swept to power in the 1980 elections after a growing rebellion and economic sanctions forced the white minority colonial government to the negotiating table.

– Al Jazeera

Robert Mugabe: A leader loved and hated in equal measure by Zimbabweans

Loved and hated in almost equal measure by Zimbabweans, the former teacher was best known for his controversial land reform programme, his hatred of any political opposition and his very glamorous young wife Grace.

Mugabe was reported to have died with such frequency in recent years that he boasted once that he had “beaten Jesus Christ because he only died once”. But as he became noticeably more doddery in his 90s, slipping twice in public in 2015, officials in his party began to campaign more openly to succeed him despite his very obvious displeasure.

Tributes pour in for Robert Mugabe – The Zimbabwean

6.9.2019 7:50

Former Zimbabwean President, Robert Mugabe died aged 95 on Friday.

JOHANNESBURG – Tributes are pouring in for former Zimbabwean revolutionary, politician and president, Robert Mugabe.

Mugabe died aged 95 on Friday in Singapore after battling ill health.

He served as Zimbabwean Prime Minister from 1980 to 1987 and then as President from 1987 to 2017.

Mugabe was ousted from power in Zimbabwe.

Several people took to social media to remember the former Zimbabwean President.

Source

eNCA

Robert Mugabe dies aged 95

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Robert Mugabe dies aged 95 – The Zimbabwean

6.9.2019 7:28

Robert Mugabe served as Zimbabwean Prime Minister from 1980 to 1987 and then as President from 1987 to 2017.

JOHANNESBURG – Former Zimbabwean revolutionary, politician and president, Robert Mugabe died aged 95 on Friday.

The former Zimbabwe president had been battling ill health and was receiving treatment in Singapore.

He served as Zimbabwean Prime Minister from 1980 to 1987 and then as President from 1987 to 2017.

Mugabe was ousted from power in Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister Robert Mugabe. Mugabe, Zimbabwean first Premier (in 1980) and President (in 1987), was born in Kutama in 1924 (formerly Southern Rhodesia).

AFP

Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa said on twitter, “it is with the utmost sadness that I announce the passing on of Zimbabwe’s founding father and former President, Cde Robert Mugabe.”

“Cde Mugabe was an icon of liberation, a pan-Africanist who dedicated his life to the emancipation and empowerment of his people. His contribution to the history of our nation and continent will never be forgotten. May his soul rest in eternal peace.”

Tributes pour in for Robert Mugabe
Robert Mugabe, former Zimbabwe president, dies aged 95

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