The
farms
have
been
carved
out
of
huge
ranches
with
an
average
of
2800
hectares,
with
current
farms
being
around
486
ha
on
average.
The
other
medium-scale
farms
in
the
area
–
which
we
combine
in
our
analysis
with
A2
farms
–
are
so-called
three-tier
farms
with
average
sizes
of
302
ha,
which
were
allocated
by
the
district
council
prior
to
the
land
reform.
Most
farms
in
our
sample
are
not
inhabited
permanently
by
the
farm
owner,
although
this
has
shifted
over
time
as
owners
have
retired
from
jobs
in
town.
Many
farms
have
very
basic
forms
of
accommodation
mostly
occupied
by
farm
workers
who
manage
the
herding
of
animals,
as
well
as
sometimes
some
limited
irrigated
horticulture
near
the
homesteads.
A2
farms
include
many
who
were
formerly
war
veterans,
often
with
the
ZIPRA
liberation
army,
but
many
have
not
had
high
level
political
connections
as
is
common
with
those
coming
from
Mashonaland
and
so
have
not
had
access
to
sources
of
patronage
from
the
party-state.
As
discussed
below,
most
financing
comes
from
private
sources,
including
off-farm
businesses,
diaspora
remittances
and
other
jobs,
including
with
NGOs
and
as
consultants
(although
with
the
collapse
of
aid
funding,
this
is
now
more
difficult).
Investing
in
livestock
Investment
in
these
farms
has
mostly
been
focused
on
livestock
production,
with
fencing
established
for
creating
paddocks
and
holding
pens,
and
near
homesteads
there
are
often
dipping
races,
barns
and
watering
points.
This
is
a
dry
area
and
with
subdivided
farms
one
of
the
imperatives
is
to
secure
a
water
source
on
the
new
farm.
In
the
past,
water
points
–
boreholes,
dams,
ponds
and
so
on
–
were
spread
over
vast
areas,
with
many
farms
including
both
‘sweet’
and
‘sour’
veld
grazing,
allowing
flexible
movement
across
the
ranch.
Today
this
may
not
be
possible,
and
a
more
intensive
management
of
livestock
has
emerged
in
some
areas,
with
boreholes
being
drilled
and
feed
and
supplements
imported
to
supplement
what
exists
on
the
farm.
New
A2
farms
were
often
not
created
with
the
variable
ecology
in
mind,
so
a
farm
may
have
no
water
and
only
sour
veld
available
within
its
perimeters,
making
lease
grazing
and/or
importing
feed
essential.
Many
attempts
to
drill
boreholes
for
animal
drinking,
dip
races,
domestic
use
or
small-scale
garden
or
fodder
irrigation
have
failed
in
this
area.
The
groundwater
levels
are
deep,
and
the
availability
of
obvious
wetland
areas
limited.
Many
farmers
have
lost
thousands
of
US
dollars
on
failed
attempts
with
borehole
drilling
companies
who
sell
their
services
across
the
area.
In
some
cases,
existing
but
now
dilapidated
infrastructure
can
be
rehabilitated,
whether
dipping
races
or
irrigation
systems.
In
other
cases,
the
allocation
was
just
a
former
paddock,
and
nothing
existed
before.
In
some
areas,
the
new
farmers
have
come
together
and
collaborated
on
infrastructure
development;
for
example,
there
is
a
water
sharing
group
amongst
six
farmers
in
Wild
East
area,
with
a
revived
pump
allowing
for
the
supply
of
water
to
homesteads,
and
dipping
amongst
four
farmers
in
Mampondweni
farm.
Market
relations
Relationships
with
markets
are
essential
for
such
A2
farmers
in
Matobo,
but
long
distances
and
often
small
herds
and
therefore
limited
offtake
make
it
difficult
to
market
efficiently.
Getting
a
live
animal
to
a
market
is
costly
given
the
costs
of
transport
on
challenging
roads.
Some
rely
on
mobile
traders
with
huge
trucks
who
move
around
these
farms,
with
local
‘agents’
who
buy
cattle
for
them
at
a
cheap
price.
Others
hire
transport
to
take
animals
to
abattoirs
or
the
auction
market,
CC
Sales
near
Bulawayo.
The
cost
of
transport
animals
to
abattoirs/auctions
in
town
is
US$50
per
animal
per
trip.
Transporting
animals
to
markets
is
risky
because
of
cartels
of
often
former
white
ranchers
that
dominate
the
abattoir
and
auction
businesses
in
this
region.
This
means
that
animals
do
not
exceed
a
certain
price.
While
livestock
owners
can
bargain
with
mobile
agents
at
the
farm,
when
paying
the
cost
of
transport
to
town
bargaining
options
reduce
when
dealing
with
abattoirs
and
auctions.
Coordinating
labour
Managing
and
coordinating
labour
is
essential
in
the
livestock
system
of
Matobo.
This
is
not
easy.
With
most
livestock
owners
based
in
town
and
visiting
irregularly
–
at
most
once
a
week,
often
once
a
fortnight
–
reliance
on
farm
labour
for
herding
and
overall
farm
management
is
essential.
Having
a
senior
farm
manager
is
essential.
Salaries
are
low,
amounting
to
around
1000
South
African
Rands
a
month,
with
some
basic
food
provisions
provided
(often
soya
chunks
and
mealie
meal).
Many
workers
in
the
past
harvested
the
then
plentiful
game
but
this
is
now
largely
depleted.
There
is
a
huge
turnover
of
herding
labour
in
these
areas,
with
workers
coming
and
going.
These
are
not
easy
places
to
live
and
the
attractions
of
gold
mining,
for
example,
in
the
areas
to
the
south
is
strong.
Workers
may
be
recruited
locally,
but
many
come
from
other
parts
of
the
country,
from
as
far
as
Binga
in
Matabeleland
North,
for
example.
Most
workers
are
single
men
or
sometimes
couples,
as
there
are
few
amenities
nearby
and
no
schools
for
children
making
it
difficult
to
live
with
a
family
on
the
farms.
Gender
and
generational
challenges
In
many
of
our
A2
(plus
3-tier)
farms
in
our
sample,
the
original
recipient
of
the
land
has
passed
on,
and
wives
have
taken
over
the
land.
As
they
commented
to
us,
this
is
really
tough.
To
visit
a
farm,
you
have
to
leave
Bulawayo
at
4
am
and
only
get
back
in
the
evening.
These
are
remote
places,
where
a
car
breakdown
can
cause
major
problems
(as
we
have
found
on
several
occasions).
The
negotiation
of
grazing
access
and
the
management
of
cattle
over
wide
areas
requires
interacting
with
men
on
other
farms
who
may
not
respect
women
and
their
knowledge
of
and
commitment
to
cattle
keeping.
Many
widows
wish
that
their
sons
would
take
over,
but
generational
transitions
amongst
our
sample
have
been
rare
as
sons
too
are
not
so
keen
on
livestock
keeping
in
remote
areas,
even
if
from
a
town
(or
even
diaspora)
base.
Female
farm
owners
may
therefore
work
together
with
a
relative
or
friend
on
a
nearby
farm,
combining
forces
effectively
amalgamating
their
farms,
or
they
may
persuade
a
male
relative
to
come
and
lead
the
day-to-day
activities.
Case
1:
MM,
Toko
North
MM
was
born
in
1977,
and
grew
up
in
Bulawayo.
She
works
as
a
records
manager
at
a
parastatal
in
Bulawayo,
while
her
husband
works
as
an
engineer
in
South
Africa.
His
father
worked
as
a
vehicle
inspector
at
the
Vehicle
Inspectorate
Department,
and
was
a
cattle
farmer
of
established
reputation
in
Matobo
district.
In
2002,
he
managed
to
acquire
a
284
ha
A2
plot
in
Toko
North
but
could
not
occupy
the
farm
due
to
the
white
farmer’s
resistance
until
his
death
in
2012.
MM’s
father
passed
away
in
2007.
In
conformity
with
the
Ndebele
custom,
MM’s
mother
persuaded
two
of
her
oldest
sons
to
take
over
the
farm.
The
sons,
however,
declined.
One
of
the
oldest
sons
emigrated
to
the
UK,
while
the
other
son
worked
at
World
Vision.
A
decision
was
then
made
to
sell
the
450
head
of
cattle
immediately.
In
2012,
MM’s
mother
agreed
to
take
over
the
farm.
She
successfully
managed
to
change
the
plot
into
her
own
name.
After
taking
over
the
farm,
MM
and
her
husband
started
building
up
their
herd
using
income
from
their
wages.
They
started
with
five
head
of
cattle,
which
they
had
bought
before
taking
over
the
farm.
They
have
since
build
their
herd
to
79
through
natural
increase
and
purchase.
In
2016,
her
male
cousin
who
owns
an
adjoining
plot
provided
the
fencing
materials
and
labour
to
fence
MM’s
farm
in
return
for
access
to
grazing.
Her
cousin
also
helps
MM
with
the
general
management
of
cattle.
Because
of
the
predominance
of
men
in
the
area,
MM
explained
that
it
is
difficult
to
negotiate
access
to
additional
grazing
during
periods
of
drought,
so
her
cousin
helps.
One
of
MM’s
biggest
challenges
is
lack
of
financial
resources
to
invest
in
the
farm.
To
address
this,
she
is
a
member
of
several
savings
groups
with
other
farmers
and
workmates.
Case
2:
SJ,
Mampondweni
SJ
is
a
widow
in
her
late
50s
and
works
as
a
secondary
school
teacher
in
Bulawayo.
SJ
and
her
now
late
husband
acquired
a
122
ha
self-contained
plot
in
2014
from
Matobo
Rural
District
Council
after
an
original
beneficiary
had
surrendered
the
plot.
At
settlement,
the
household
had
24
cattle
of
indigenous
(amakhaya)
breeds,
which
SJ’s
husband
had
inherited
from
his
father.
Over
time,
they
added
more
cattle
through
purchase
and
exchanged
amakhaya
breeds
with
‘mixed’
Brahman
breeds
with
large
frames.
When
SJ’s
husband
passed
away
due
to
COVID-19
in
2020,
the
household’s
herd
had
increased
to
over
100,
and
they
were
leasing
in
additional
grazing
in
Figtree
area.
They
had
also
invested
in
a
tractor
and
hay
baler
using
savings
from
her
husband’s
job
in
South
Africa.
Following
the
death
of
her
husband,
SJ
decided
to
substantially
reduce
the
herd
to
35,
given
the
difficulties
of
managing
cattle
in
different
places.
In
fact,
she
nearly
gave
up
altogether,
but
her
brother
encouraged
her
to
hold
on
and
also
vowed
to
provide
assistance
if
needed.
SJ
said
that
one
of
her
biggest
challenges
is
that
her
two
children
(a
boy
and
girl)
are
in
South
Africa.
“It
would
be
helpful
if
they
were
here
to
help
–
maybe
one
day
they
will
come
back”,
she
said.
“This
project
(cattle)
is
not
for
women.
Most
of
these
farms
are
operated
by
men,
and
the
workers
are
mostly
men
too,
which
is
difficult
if
you
are
a
woman.
For
security
reasons,
I
can’t
sleep
at
the
farm.
I
visit
every
forty-night.
When
going
to
the
farm,
I
leave
around
4
am
in
the
morning
and
come
back
around
5pm
in
the
afternoon.”
Financing
the
farm
The
financing
of
livestock
farming
in
the
A2
farms
has
largely
been
through
own-finances,
usually
derived
from
off-farm
work
by
the
male
(sometimes
female)
farm
owners.
Many
different
businesses
in
town
–
from
transport
businesses
to
law
firms
to
formal
gold
mining
–
are
being
combined
with
farming
as
joint
efforts,
with
profits
from
one
(usually
the
town
business)
being
invested
in
the
other
(usually
the
farm).
Repeated
droughts,
problems
with
predation,
prolific
cattle
theft,
large-scale
rustling
and
animal
diseases
have
meant
that
cattle
populations
have
gone
up
and
down
over
time.
Without
regular
maintenance
(supplementary
feeding,
veterinary
care
and
so
on),
the
prospects
of
significant
returns
from
livestock
shrink.
Profits
are
therefore
small
or
non-existent,
except
for
a
few.
Case
3:
MX,
Toko
North
MX
was
born
in
1977
in
Matobo
district,
and
is
an
auto-mechanic
by
profession.
He
currently
runs
a
driving
school
(with
offices
in
Bulawayo
and
Plumtree)
and
a
milling
company,
with
a
combined
100
permanent
employees.
In
2014,
he
decided
to
venture
into
livestock
farming,
but
he
had
no
land.
During
the
early
years
of
land
reform,
MX
was
reluctant
to
obtain
land.
“At
first,
as
a
young
person,
I
thought
land
reform
was
a
political
gimmick.
I
didn’t
want
to
be
part
of
it.
I
only
realised
the
benefits
of
the
programme
later.”
In
2014,
he
decided
to
purchase
informally
a
350
ha
A2
plot
from
his
uncle,
who
acquired
the
farm
in
2002.
The
uncle
is
a
retired
lieutenant
colonel
in
the
army,
who
is
now
old
and
sick
and
unable
to
operate
the
farm.
The
uncle
had
no
male
children
of
his
own
to
take
over
the
farm.
Following
the
purchase,
MX
attempted
to
transfer
the
ownership
of
the
farm
officially
into
his
name,
but
the
transaction
was
not
allowed
to
go
through.
A
senior
official
however
advised
MX
and
his
uncle
to
register
the
transaction
as
a
‘joint
venture’
as
this
is
allowed
by
law.
A
key
government
regulation
is
that
a
farm
can
only
change
hands
if
the
original
beneficiary
passes
on
and
his/her
spouse
or
children
(often
with
a
similar
surname)
takes
over,
not
any
other
relative.
After
MX
took
possession
of
the
farm,
MX
rapidly
invested
in
livestock,
livestock
handling
facilities,
fencing,
elaborate
houses
for
his
family
and
workers,
water
pumps
and
grinding
mills.
All
this
was
financed
through
earnings
from
his
business.
By
2022,
his
herd
had
increased
to
450
cattle,
of
which
only
150
cattle
were
kept
and
grazed
at
his
plot,
while
the
rest
of
the
herd
is
grazed
in
a
number
of
leased
farms.
He
also
runs
an
additional
herd
of
150
cattle
in
partnership
with
his
cousin
who
lives
in
the
UK.
In
2022,
he
purchased
23
‘pure’
Brahmans
for
US$1,200
each
from
a
registered
stud
breeder,
with
the
aim
of
improving
the
quality
of
his
herd.
Case
4:
ME
63-year-old,
ME
is
a
war
veteran,
businessman
and
senior
ZANU-PF
politician.
Once
a
school
headmaster
at
a
local
school
before
his
retirement
from
the
job
in
2017,
he
joined
politics
and
became
an
MP
in
2018
and
subsequently
became
a
cabinet
minister.
He
acquired
a
162
ha
self-contained
plot
in
1999.
Over
the
years,
he
has
also
informally
purchased
several
additional
plots
from
struggling
neighbours.
At
settlement,
he
had
11
cattle.
In
2008,
he
received
a
government
loan
of
ZW$30
billion
under
the
Farm
Mechanisation
programme
to
buy
30
in-calf
heifers
and
repaid
the
loan
a
year
later
when
the
value
of
the
money
had
diminished
due
to
hyperinflation.
In
2018,
he
received
five
heifers
under
the
Command
Livestock
programme,
although
he
already
had
200
cattle.
Today,
he
owns
more
than
200
cattle.
Initially,
he
mainly
relied
on
leasing-in
additional
land
for
grazing.
Using
his
political
influence,
he
is
able
to
secure
access
to
grazing
and
water
for
free
during
periods
of
drought.
For
example,
during
last
drought,
he
moved
his
cattle
Agricultural
Rural
Development
Authority
(ARDA)
Antelope
estate
in
Maphisa,
where
he
grazed
his
animals
free
of
charge.
Besides
being
a
politician,
DM
and
his
children
operate
several
family-run
businesses,
including
grocery
shops,
brick-moulding
and
transport
businesses.
All
this
has
enabled
him
to
invest
substantially
in
livestock,
a
small
weir,
an
elaborate
homestead
(with
solar
system
and
biogas),
fencing
and
expensive
water
infrastructure.
Mixed
fortunes
The
medium-scale
farms
of
Matobo
district
have
therefore
had
mixed
fortunes
over
time.
Few
have
emerged
as
successful
ranching
operations
as
the
land
sizes
of
allocated
farms
are
too
small.
Some
have
become
effective
operators
if
they
have
external
finance
and
can
supplement
their
herds,
while
others
are
reliant
on
collaborative
arrangements
across
farms
through
extensive
patterns
of
land
leasing.
There
is
huge
variety
and
no
single
pattern.
The
net
effect
though
is
that
these
farms
continue
to
provide
significant
quantities
of
meat
to
the
market,
via
abattoirs
and
butcheries.
It
may
not
be
the
high
value
export
meat
production
of
before,
but
for
local
markets
the
A2
land
reform
areas
are
delivering,
even
while
facing
significant
challenges.
This
post
was
written
by Ian
Scoones and Tapiwa
Chatikobo and
first
appeared
on Zimbabweland.
Post
published
in:
Agriculture