Author: TSA Press

Hwende,
the
Member
of
Parliament
for
Kuwadzana
West
and
a
key
ally
of
the
Welshman
Ncube
faction,
publicly
rejected
his
removal
from
the
influential
committee
–
a
move
orchestrated
by
Tshabangu
and
announced
through
deputy
Speaker
of
Parliament
Tsitsi
Gezi.
Tshabangu’s
directive
reassigned
Hwende
to
the
Energy
Committee,
effectively
stripping
him
of
his
former
role.

Rising
in
protest
during
the
parliamentary
session,
Hwende
delivered
a
scathing
rebuke,
insisting
that
Tshabangu
lacked
the
legal
authority
to
make
such
decisions.
He
argued
that
Tshabangu’s
leadership
was
still
being
challenged
in
court
and
therefore
could
not
unilaterally
make
committee
appointments
or
removals.

Hwende
also
declined
to
accept
the
post
of
chairperson
of
the
Energy
Committee,
a
role
previously
held
by
Marondera
Central
MP
Caston
Matewu.
Despite
his
objections,
the
deputy
Speaker
overruled
him
and
confirmed
Matewu
as
the
new
Public
Accounts
Committee
chairperson.

The
development
underscored
the
intensifying
internal
power
struggles
within
the
CCC,
where
factional
loyalty
appears
to
be
dictating
appointments
and
political
fortunes.
Sources
within
Parliament
say
Hwende’s
demotion
was
largely
due
to
his
unwavering
support
for
the
Ncube
camp,
which
stands
in
opposition
to
Tshabangu’s
growing
influence.

The
public
fallout
between
Hwende
and
Tshabangu
marks
a
dramatic
shift
in
their
relationship.
Once
allies
against
former
CCC
leader
Nelson
Chamisa,
the
two
have
now
become
fierce
adversaries
in
the
ongoing
battle
for
control
of
the
opposition
party.

Adding
fuel
to
the
fire,
insiders
say
some
members
aligned
with
Tshabangu
are
now
pushing
for
Hwende’s
immediate
recall
from
Parliament.
While
no
formal
steps
have
been
taken
yet,
the
call
has
heightened
speculation
that
the
CCC
factional
fight
is
far
from
over
–
and
may
lead
to
more
purges
and
realignments
in
the
weeks
ahead.

With
the
situation
developing
rapidly,
all
eyes
are
now
on
whether
Tshabangu
will
act
on
the
recall
threats
or
whether
the
crisis
will
spark
further
instability
within
the
embattled
opposition
party.
–
online

The
payout
follows
years
of
legal
battles
after
Mutimutema
sustained
serious
eye
injuries
caused
by
flying
glass
when
soldiers
fired
live
ammunition
into
a
building
housing
his
offices.

Mutimutema,
a
labour
law
specialist
who
was
working
for
the
Zimbabwe
Congress
of
Trade
Unions
(ZCTU)
at
the
time,
was
injured
on
1
August
2018,
during
nationwide
protests
over
delayed
election
results.

The
protests,
which
broke
out
in
central
Harare,
were
violently
suppressed
by
the
Zimbabwe
National
Army,
resulting
in
the
deaths
of
at
least
six
civilians
and
injuries
to
dozens
more.

While
Mutimutema
was
inside
his
office
at
Gorlon
House,
a
bullet
fired
by
soldiers
shattered
a
window,
sending
shards
of
glass
into
his
eyes.

He
was
left
partially
blind
and
has
since
undergone
three
unsuccessful
surgeries
to
remove
the
fine
particles
embedded
in
his
eyes.

Mutimutema
sued
Defence
Minister
Oppah
Muchinguri-Kashiri,
Home
Affairs
Minister
Kazembe
Kazembe,
and
Police
Commissioner-General
Godwin
Matanga
(formerly
Stephen
Mutamba),
seeking
compensation
for
pain,
suffering,
and
medical
expenses.

He
was
represented
by
human
rights
lawyer
Obey
Shava
of
the
Zimbabwe
Lawyers
for
Human
Rights
(ZLHR).

Although
the
High
Court
had
initially
awarded
him
ZWL$295,000
in
November
2020,
the
amount
had
become
virtually
worthless
due
to
inflation.
Mutimutema
successfully
applied
to
amend
his
claim
to
US
dollars,
citing
the
devaluation
of
the
local
currency
and
ongoing
medical
costs.

On
29
July
2025,
the
Ministry
of
Defence,
led
by
Muchinguri,
agreed
to
settle
the
matter
by
paying
Mutimutema
US$25,000
as
compensation
for
current
and
future
medical
expenses,
pain
and
suffering,
and
general
damages.

According
to
the
ZLHR,
the
case
adds
to
growing
criticism
over
the
government’s
handling
of
the
aftermath
of
the
2018
shootings.

A
Commission
of
Inquiry
chaired
by
former
South
African
President
Kgalema
Motlanthe
had
recommended
compensation
for
victims
and
prosecution
of
perpetrators.

However,
to
date,
no
known
prosecutions
have
been
made,
and
only
a
handful
of
victims
have
received
compensation.

Despite
this
requirement
enshrined
in
Section
301(3)
of
the
Constitution,
the
government
continues
failing
to
meet
the
five
percent
threshold
outlined
since
the
introduction
of
the
Inter-Governmental
Fiscal
Transfers
in
2019.

The
law
mandates
that
“not
less
than
five
percent
of
the
national
revenues
raised
in
any
financial
year
must
be
allocated
to
provincial
and
local
tiers
of
government.”

However,
allocations
between
2019
and
2023
ranged
from
just
0.5
percent
to
2.9
percent.

In
2023,
only
23
percent
of
the
budgeted
ZiG
193.2
billion
for
devolution
was
disbursed,
while
in
2024,
26
percent
of
the
ZIG4.1
billion
was
released
to
support
devolution
projects.

Appearing
before
Parliament
last
week,
the
finance
minister,
defended
the
government’s
inability
to
meet
the
five
percent
mark,
saying
although
the
amounts
are
budgeted,
actual
cash
disbursements
are
affected
by
fluctuating
revenue
inflows
and
the
need
to
live
within
the
State’s
means.

“For
the
year
2023,
our
disbursement
was
23
percent.
In
2024,
it
was
only
26
percent.
Of
course,
we
always
strive
to
meet
100
percent
disbursement
or
the
full
five
percent…However,
we
always
come
out
at
about
a
third
of
that.
There
are
many
reasons,”
Prof
Ncube
said.

“The
main
one
is
there
is
a
difference
between
these
disbursements
and
cash
flow
outlays.
Cash
flow
outlays
usually
lag
because
we
live
within
our
means
in
terms
of
the
cash
support
for
the
disbursements.”

Prof
Ncube
added
that
government
revenue
is
not
received
in
equal
portions
throughout
the
year,
making
it
difficult
to
evenly
disburse
funds.

“We
do
not
have
equal
revenue
inflows
quarter
by
quarter
for
the
four
quarters
of
the
year.
You
find
that
the
bulk
of
our
revenue
inflows
are
in
the
last
quarter,”
he
said.

“This
also
creates
challenges
with
the
inflows
of
cash
and
militates
against
us
meeting
the
five
percent
target
for
devolution
funding.”

In
a
bid
to
address
the
lag
in
disbursements,
the
finance
minister
revealed
the
Treasury
is
considering
borrowing
domestically
towards
the
end
of
the
third
quarter,
and
repaying
those
loans
with
revenues
collected
in
November
and
December.

“This
is
a
strategy
to
smooth
the
issue
of
revenue
receipts,
which
are
uneven
through
the
year,”
he
explained.

Despite
these
challenges,
Members
of
Parliament
expressed
concern
and
frustration,
noting
the
five
percent
allocation
is
not
negotiable,
as
it
is
a
constitutional
requirement.

“It
is
a
must…
To
say
that
we
have
got
23
percent
and
24
percent
to
27
percent
in
successive
years,
do
you
think
that
is
sustainable,
when
we
are
dealing
with
a
must-case
scenario?”
challenged
Mbizo
MP
Corban
Madzivanyika.

Madzivanyika
insisted
that
Parliament
expects
to
see
at
least
87
percent
to
90
percent
disbursement
by
the
end
of
September,
which
would
reflect
good
faith
efforts
to
meet
the
constitutional
obligation.

In
response,
Ncube
pointed
to
other
administrative
bottlenecks,
including
delays
caused
by
local
authorities
who
are
required
to
submit
detailed,
auditable
project
proposals
before
funds
can
be
released.

“You
find
that
the
process
for
disbursement
involves
the
submission
of
projects.
The
local
authorities
have
to
submit
projects
that
are
ready
for
funding
and
they
also
have
to
invest
in
project
preparation.
This
is
important.
Also,
we
have
to
consider
any
acquittals
and
so
forth,
engineering
certificates,
those
that
are
in
project
finance,
know
what
I
am
talking
about,”
Ncube
said.

“Those
processes
also
are
necessary
for
the
audit
trail
but
then
they
slow
down
disbursements
because
you
can
only
disburse
against
what
we
think
has
met
the
minimum
standards
in
terms
of
what
the
auditors
will
accept.
So,
it
is
an
involved
process.
You
do
not
just
give
away
money
like
that.
There
has
to
be
a
project
that
will
absorb
those
resources.
That
project
has
to
be
ready.
The
local
authorities
have
to
be
ready
to
receive
those
resources.”

In
a
specific
request
for
information,
Emakhandeni-Luveve
MP
Discent
Bajila
asked
for
a
breakdown
of
disbursements
made
to
individual
local
authorities
in
Matabeleland
North,
Matabeleland
South,
Masvingo,
Midlands,
and
Mashonaland
East.

Ncube
responded
that
while
the
Treasury
allocates
the
funds,
the
actual
disbursement
to
local
authorities
is
managed
by
the
Ministry
of
Local
Government
and
Public
Works.

“Cumulative
disbursements
made
by
Treasury
during
2023
stood
at
ZiG$44.9
billion
against
an
approved
ZiG$193.2
billion.
In
2024,
a
total
of
ZiG1
billion
was
availed
against
a
budget
of
ZiG4.1
billion,”
he
said.

Prof
Ncube
said
Treasury
would
coordinate
closely
with
the
Ministry
of
Local
Government
to
agree
on
detailed
implementation
and
cash
flow
plans
to
ensure
projects
are
funded
and
implemented
on
time.

As
part
of
this
effort,
the
minister
said
the
government
is
processing
resources
equivalent
to
US$30
million
in
June
2025
to
support
the
devolution
agenda.

Rushinga
MP,
Tendai
Nyabani,
however,
pressed
for
more
action
to
provide
timely
and
full
release
of
the
devolution
funds,
noting
their
importance
in
rural
development.

“These
devolution
funds
solve
a
lot
of
problems
like
constructing
schools,
clinics
and
boreholes,”
said
Nyabani.

“This
devolution
fund
is
as
good
as
salt
in
our
relish.
What
can
be
done
to
ensure
that
five
percent
of
the
budget
can
be
released
on
time
to
improve
people’’
living
conditions?”

Ncube
acknowledged
the
value
of
the
funds
in
rural
communities
and
reiterated
the
government’s
broader
efforts
to
support
rural
development,
including
the
Pfumvudza/Intwasa
agricultural
programme,
dam
construction
and
road
building.

“Devolution
funds
are
only
one
part
of
how
we
impact
the
lives
of
our
rural-based
citizens.
It
is
correct
that
we
should
really
make
every
effort
to
expedite
and
increase
our
disbursement
for
devolution
funding.”

BULAWAYO
–
In
a
landmark
judgement
with
far-reaching
consequences
for
property
rights
and
urban
development,
Zimbabwe’s
Constitutional
Court
has
ruled
that
the
state
cannot
compulsorily
acquire
peri-urban
land
under
its
land
reform
programme
without
compensating
landowners.

The
decision,
delivered
in
Fletcher
v
Minister
of
Lands
&
Others
(CCZ
14/25),
draws
a
firm
legal
boundary
around
what
the
controversial
land
reform
laws
can
and
cannot
do
—
and,
crucially,
reaffirms
the
jurisdiction
of
courts
to
adjudicate
such
disputes.

At
the
heart
of
the
case
was
a
long-running
battle
between
landowner
Alistair
Michael
Fletcher
and
the
ministry
of
lands,
stemming
from
the
government’s
attempt
to
acquire
his
titled
land
on
the
outskirts
of
Bulawayo
near
the
Joshua
Mqabuko
Nkomo
International
Airport.

The
land
—
Umguza
Agricultural
Lots
in
the
Umvutcha
and
Reigate
area
—
had
been
incorporated
into
the
Bulawayo
City
Council
through
a
presidential
proclamation
in
1999
(Statutory
Instrument
212
of
1999),
effectively
converting
it
into
urban
land.

Despite
this
designation,
the
state
sought
to
treat
the
property
as
agricultural
land
subject
to
acquisition
under
Section
16B
of
the
former
constitution,
a
key
legal
instrument
of
the
Fast
Track
Land
Reform
Programme,
and
later
under
Section
72
of
the
new
constitution
adopted
in
2013.

The
ministry
endorsed
restrictive
caveats
on
the
land
title
and
asserted
that
it
had
become
state
land,
stripping
Fletcher
of
ownership.

Fletcher
challenged
the
state’s
actions
as
unconstitutional,
arguing
that
urban
land
does
not
fall
under
the
purview
of
agricultural
land
reforms.
He
also
contended
that
the
caveats
on
his
title
deed
—
intended
to
prevent
transfer
or
development
—
violated
his
property
rights
under
Section
71
of
the
constitution.

The
matter
was
initially
dismissed
by
the
Supreme
Court,
which
agreed
with
the
lands
ministry’s
position
that
the
land
was
gazetted
and
now
vested
in
the
state,
and
that
courts
had
no
jurisdiction
to
entertain
challenges
against
such
acquisition.
The
Constitutional
Court
took
a
different
view.

In
its
decision
handed
down
on
July
29,
2025,
the
Constitutional
Court
reversed
the
Supreme
Court’s
ruling,
unequivocally
stating
that
the
state
cannot
acquire
urban
or
peri-urban
land
under
the
guise
of
agricultural
land
reform.
The
court
emphasised
that
such
acquisitions
are
not
protected
by
constitutional
provisions
that
oust
court
jurisdiction
for
agricultural
land
reform,
and
therefore
remain
subject
to
judicial
scrutiny.

“Section
16B
applies
only
to
agricultural
land
and
cannot
be
extended
to
cover
urban
or
peri-urban
land,”
wrote
Justice
Benjamin
Hlatshwayo,
delivering
the
judgment
of
the
Court.
“The
inclusion
of
Fletcher’s
land
into
the
Bulawayo
City
boundaries
through
S.I.
212
of
1999
placed
it
outside
the
scope
of
land
targeted
for
resettlement
or
agricultural
reform.”

Restoring
the
Role
of
the
Courts

The
ruling
goes
beyond
a
mere
technical
interpretation
of
land
categories.
It
reinforces
a
fundamental
legal
principle:
the
right
of
citizens
to
challenge
government
actions
before
a
court
of
law.

The
court
held
that
the
blanket
immunity
granted
to
land
acquisitions
under
Section
16B,
and
later
Section
72,
applies
strictly
to
properly
classified
agricultural
land
—
and
that
any
acquisition
outside
of
that
must
still
comply
with
due
process
and
the
constitution.

This
includes
not
only
adherence
to
lawful
acquisition
procedures,
but
also
the
payment
of
fair
compensation
where
land
is
taken.

In
strongly
worded
remarks,
the
Court
criticised
the
previous
handling
of
the
matter,
particularly
the
dismissal
of
Fletcher’s
right
to
challenge
the
caveats.
It
reaffirmed
the
High
Court’s
jurisdiction
in
disputes
involving
land
incorrectly
treated
as
state-acquired
land
under
the
Land
Reform
Programme.

“By
omitting
urban
land,
the
law
presumes
that
this
was
an
intentional
exclusion,”
the
Court
stated.
“Courts
retain
full
authority
to
hear
and
determine
disputes
involving
urban
land
acquisition.”

Significance
for
Landowners
and
Developers

The
ruling
is
widely
regarded
as
a
victory
for
private
landowners,
especially
those
on
the
urban
fringe
who
have
increasingly
faced
pressure
from
authorities
claiming
state
interest
in
their
land
under
the
pretext
of
land
reform.

With
cities
like
Harare,
Bulawayo,
and
Mutare
expanding
rapidly,
peri-urban
land
has
become
a
flashpoint
in
the
tension
between
urbanisation
and
land
redistribution.

Legal
experts
say
this
judgement
restores
confidence
in
the
legal
protections
available
to
urban
and
peri-urban
landowners.
It
also
clarifies
the
interpretation
of
Sections
71
and
72
of
the
constitution,
giving
courts
a
renewed
mandate
to
protect
property
rights
and
uphold
constitutional
guarantees.

Advocate
Thabani
Mpofu,
senior
lawyer
for
Fletcher’s
legal
team,
called
the
ruling
a
turning
point:
“This
is
not
just
about
one
landowner.
It’s
about
the
rule
of
law
and
ensuring
that
the
government
acts
within
the
limits
of
the
constitution.
For
years,
people
have
lived
in
fear
that
their
urban
land
could
be
taken
without
notice
or
compensation.
This
judgment
ends
that
uncertainty.”

Compensation
is
Mandatory
for
Urban
Land

A
key
takeaway
from
the
ruling
is
that
the
state
is
not
barred
from
acquiring
peri-urban
land
altogether
—
but
it
must
do
so
lawfully
and
must
pay
compensation.
The
judgement
confirms
that
Section
16B
does
not
create
a
loophole
for
acquiring
urban
land
without
compensation,
even
if
that
land
was
previously
used
for
agriculture.

In
this
case,
the
Court
found
that
the
land
was
designated
for
residential
development
by
Bulawayo
City
Council
as
early
as
2015
and
2016,
and
was
no
longer
suitable
for
agricultural
purposes.
As
such,
any
acquisition
would
need
to
follow
standard
expropriation
laws,
not
the
special
constitutional
measures
designed
for
rural
land
reform.

This
provides
a
legal
pathway
for
government
projects
that
require
urban
land,
but
removes
the
threat
of
uncompensated
seizure,
which
had
become
common
during
the
land
reform
era.

Broader
Implications
for
Land
Reform
Policy

The
judgement
may
force
the
government
to
reconsider
its
land
reform
policies
in
urbanising
zones,
where
agricultural
classifications
have
long
been
used
to
justify
land
takeovers.
With
this
judgement,
it
is
now
clear
that
land
use
and
classification
—
not
merely
a
Gazette
listing
or
government
intention
—determine
the
legal
framework
that
applies.

Urban
planners,
developers,
and
investors
are
expected
to
respond
positively
to
the
ruling,
which
brings
greater
clarity
and
security
to
land
tenure
near
Zimbabwe’s
expanding
cities.

However,
the
state
may
now
face
a
deluge
of
legal
challenges
from
landowners
in
similar
circumstances,
many
of
whom
have
been
fighting
in
the
courts
for
over
a
decade.
While
the
ministry
of
lands
has
not
issued
a
formal
response,
legal
analysts
expect
the
ruling
to
necessitate
new
guidelines
on
how
peri-urban
land
is
handled.

This
judgement
stands
as
one
of
the
most
significant
constitutional
pronouncements
on
land
rights
in
Zimbabwe
since
the
onset
of
the
land
reform
programme
in
2000.
It
marks
a
reassertion
of
judicial
authority,
constitutional
supremacy,
and
the
protection
of
private
property
in
a
country
where
land
politics
remain
deeply
contentious.

In
affirming
that
peri-urban
land
cannot
be
swept
under
the
blanket
of
agricultural
land
reform,
the
Court
has
delivered
a
strong
message:
constitutional
protections
matter,
and
government
power
has
limits.

READ
THE
FULL
JUDGEMENT: Fletcher
v
Minister
of
Lands
&
Others

LUPANE
–
Two
men
drowned
at
Bubi
Lupane
Dam
in
Lupane,
Matabeleland
North,
after
their
boat
capsized
amid
rough
conditions
on
Sunday.

The
victims
have
been
identified
as
Joseph
Masvora,
24,
a
police
officer,
and
Brian
Thulani
Ngwenya,
26,
an
employee
of
the
local
council.

Ennety
Sithole,
the
Lupane
District
Development
Coordinator,
said
the
incident
occurred
on
Sunday
afternoon.

Ngwenya’s
body
was
later
found
washed
ashore,
while
recovery
efforts
for
Masvora
continue.

“The
ZRP
Sub-Aqua
Unit
is
yet
to
arrive
and
retrieve
Masvora’s
body,”
Sithole
told
journalists
on
Monday.

Initial
reports
suggest
the
small
boat
was
flipped
over
by
strong
waves,
though
investigations
into
the
exact
cause
are
ongoing.
Unstable
weather
conditions
are
being
considered
a
contributing
factor.

The
Zimbabwe
Republic
Police’s
Sub-Aqua
Unit
is
expected
to
lead
an
underwater
search
operation
to
locate
Masvora’s
body.

Authorities
have
urged
members
of
the
public
to
exercise
caution
when
venturing
onto
large
water
bodies,
particularly
during
adverse
weather.

NEW
YORK,
United
States
–
In
a
symbolic
nod
to
Africa’s
rising
role
in
global
markets,
Namib
Minerals,
a
newly
listed
African
mining
firm,
rang
the
Nasdaq
Closing
Bell
last
Friday
alongside
Zimbabwean
diplomats
—
marking
a
milestone
for
the
company
and
for
Zimbabwe’s
re-engagement
with
international
investors.

The
event,
held
at
Nasdaq’s
headquarters
in
New
York
City,
was
witnessed
by
Ambassador
Taonga
Mushayavanhu,
Zimbabwe’s
Permanent
Representative
to
the
United
Nations,
and
Minister
Plenipotentiary
Donald
Tatenda
Charumbira.

Their
participation
underscored
the
strengthening
partnership
between
Namib
Minerals
and
Zimbabwe,
and
the
country’s
broader
commitment
to
economic
modernisation
and
global
market
integration.

“This
moment
is
more
than
symbolic,”
said
Namib
Minerals
CEO
Ibrahima
Sory
Tall.
“Through
strong
partnerships,
responsible
mining,
and
shared
growth,
we’re
contributing
to
the
evolution
of
Zimbabwe’s
economy
and
its
place
in
global
markets.”

Namib
Minerals,
which
listed
on
the
Nasdaq
in
June
2025
under
the
ticker
NAMM,
is
rapidly
establishing
itself
as
a
major
player
in
African
resource
development.

The
company
currently
operates
How
Mine
near
Bulawayo
and
is
working
to
revive
two
additional
gold
assets
in
the
country
–
Mazowe
and
Redwing
Mines.
It
is
also
expanding
its
footprint
in
the
Democratic
Republic
of
Congo
through
copper
and
cobalt
exploration
projects
—
a
strategic
move
aimed
at
supporting
the
global
shift
toward
clean
energy
technologies.

The
Nasdaq
appearance
comes
as
Zimbabwe
seeks
to
attract
foreign
direct
investment
by
highlighting
its
mineral
wealth
and
improving
its
global
image.
For
Namib
Minerals,
the
event
signals
investor
confidence
in
the
company’s
sustainable
growth
strategy
and
its
role
in
unlocking
Africa’s
mineral
potential,
particularly
in
the
context
of
the
global
energy
transition.

The
company
has
committed
to
responsible
mining
practices,
community
engagement,
and
long-term
economic
value
for
host
countries
and
shareholders
alike.

Namib
Minerals’
presence
on
one
of
the
world’s
most
prominent
stock
exchanges
marks
a
new
chapter
not
just
for
the
company
but
also
for
African
mining
firms
looking
to
access
global
capital
markets.

Speaking
during
a
live
discussion
on This
Morning
on
Asakhe,
an
X-Spaces
programme
hosted
by
the
Centre
for
Innovation
and
Technology
(CITE),
Heather
Koga
of
the
Zimbabwe
Election
Support
Network
(ZESN)
said
electoral
reforms
must
be
informed
by
the
lived
experiences
of
all
stakeholders.

“When
we
refer
to
political
reforms
at
ZESN,
we’re
talking
about
efforts
to
create
an
environment
that
allows
for
credible,
free,
and
fair
elections,”
Koga
said.
“Different
stakeholders,
women,
youth,
persons
with
disabilities,
experience
elections
differently,
so
their
priorities
for
reform
vary.”

Koga
said
ZESN
advocates
for
a
holistic
approach
to
reform,
engaging
Parliament
through
the
Portfolio
Committee
on
Justice
and
Legal
Affairs
to
ensure
inclusivity
in
future
electoral
processes.

ZESN
recently
convened
a
half-day
engagement
with
the
Parliamentary
committee
and
the
Women’s
Coalition
of
Zimbabwe,
bringing
together
civil
society,
youth,
and
disability
advocacy
groups
to
deliberate
on
barriers
to
participation.

“We
wanted
all
these
voices
at
the
table,”
said
Koga.
“Historically
marginalised
groups
must
be
part
of
shaping
an
electoral
system
that
reflects
their
realities.”

Takunda
Tsunga,
Programmes
Manager
at
the
Electoral
Resource
Centre
(ERC),
echoed
the
call
for
reforms
that
prioritise
the
voter
experience.

“When
we
speak
of
reforms,
we’re
referring
to
improving
the
electoral
experience
for
everyone,
from
voters
to
political
parties,”
Tsunga
said.
“That
could
mean
minor
procedural
adjustments
or
major
overhauls
of
the
system.”

He
stressed
that
reform
demands
must
be
grounded
in
findings
from
election
observer
missions.

“It’s
crucial
that
we
are
guided
by
observer
reports.
These
offer
realistic
insights
into
what
must
change,”
he
added.

One
of
the
ERC’s
key
reform
proposals
is
the
formal
registration
of
political
parties
to
address
ongoing
issues
such
as
double
candidature,
disputes
at
nomination
courts,
and
the
controversial
recall
of
elected
officials.

Observers
say
these
recurring
problems
have
eroded
public
trust
in
Zimbabwe’s
electoral
system.

Busta
Golide,
another
contributor
to
the
discussion,
said
the
growing
demand
for
reform
is
a
clear
admission
that
previous
elections
have
failed
to
meet
democratic
standards.

“We’ve
had
four
decades
of
elections,
and
every
time,
observer
reports
recommend
reforms,”
he
said.
“Yet
little
has
changed.
We
are
now
in
2025,
and
with
the
next
election
set
for
2028,
time
is
running
out.”

Golide
questioned
the
government’s
willingness
to
implement
meaningful
reforms,
saying
there
appears
to
be
little
political
appetite
for
change
unless
it
benefits
the
ruling
party.

Another
contributor,
Thamsanqa,
argued
that
while
legal
reforms
are
necessary,
Zimbabwe’s
challenges
are
rooted
more
in
the
conduct
of
political
actors
than
the
laws
themselves.

“In
Zimbabwe,
the
biggest
issue
is
not
the
laws,
it’s
the
toxic
political
culture,”
he
said.
“People
change
political
parties
for
convenience,
and
that
erodes
public
trust.
What
we
need
is
a
political
system
that
fosters
unity,
not
division.”