Author: TSA Press

This
comes
after
four
memorial
plaques
installed
by
Ibhetshu
LikaZulu
and
the
affected
communities
in
Silobela
in
Midlands
and
Bhalagwe
in
Matabeleland
South
were
destroyed
by
unknown
people.

In
Silobela
the
plaques
were
installed
on
25
May
2021
and
destroyed
by
5
June
2021.
A
replacement
was
installed
on
30
August
2021,
and
it
was
destroyed
and
stolen
from
the
site
on
3
September
2021.

Similarly
in
Bhalagwe,
a
plaque
was
installed
on
21
February
2019,
and
it
was
destroyed
and
stolen
after
7
days.
A
replacement
was
installed
on
25
May
2021,
and
again
it
was
destroyed
and
stolen
soon
thereafter.
It
was
again
replaced
in
October
2021,
and
it
was
destroyed
this
year
in
January
2022.

The
Zimbabwe
Lawyers
for
Human
Rights
(ZLHR)
who
are
representing
Ibhetshu
likaZulu
said
the
continued
destruction
of
the
memorial
plaques
is
not
only
a
criminal
act
but
is
causing
grave
pain
to
the
affected
communities
and
is
hindering
the
process
of
healing
from
the
pain
and
trauma
of
losing
their
loved
ones
in
the
manner
that
they
did.

“Such
acts
will
continue
to
perpetuate
the
trauma
within
this
community
and
will
prevent
the
process
of
healing,
reconciliation
and
nurturing
unity
and
peace,”
read
the
letter.

They
called
on
the
police
to
investigate
the
cases
and
bring
the
perpetrators
to
book.

“The
communities
fear
that
if
the
perpetrators
are
not
held
accountable,
their
efforts
in
installing
plaques
and
preserving
memory
for
their
departed
loved
ones
will
continue
to
be
in
vain,
and
this
has
caused,
continues
and
will
continue
to
cause
emotional
distress
and
economic
loss,
“
said
ZLHR.

“There
is
no
law
that
prohibits
our
clients
from
working
with
the
communities
in
installing
plaques
in
memory
of
their
departed
loved
ones.
We,
therefore,
appeal
to
your
office
to
ensure
that
police
officers
do
their
work
by
investigating
this
criminal
conduct.”

In
the
2022
monetary
policy
statement,
John
Mangudya,
governor
of
the
RBZ,
said
the
national
record
was
buoyed
by
increased
international
commodity
prices,
international
remittances
and
the
gold
incentives
put
in
place
by
the
government.

In
the
statement,
Mangudya
noted
that
export
proceeds
in
2021
contributed
6.194
billion
dollars
to
the
bulk
of
the
receipts,
followed
by
Diaspora
remittances
with
2.405
billion
dollars
and
loan
proceeds
which
contributed
876.06
million
dollars.

In
the
terms
of
foreign
payment’s
performance,
the
statement
said
for
the
year
of
2021,
banks
processed
foreign
payments
amounting
to
6.99
billion
dollars,
up
by
45.2
per
cent
from
the
previous
year.

“The
upward
trajectory
in
foreign
payments
was
largely
on
account
of
increased
foreign
currency
supply
from
the
auction
system
and
exports,
consistent
with
the
increased
capacity
utilization
in
industry,”
Mangudya
said.

Post
published
in:

Business

Zimbabwe’s
central
bank
has
ruled
out
a
return
to
using
the
US
dollar
as
official
currency
because
there’s
not
enough
greenbacks
in
the
country.

The
financial
system
is
still
dominated
by
the
local
unit,
Governor
John
Mangudya
said
in
a
monetary
policy
statement
released
Monday.
The
Zimbabwean
dollar,
reintroduced
three
years
ago,
accounts
for
56%
of
bank
deposits
with
the
balance
made
up
of
foreign
currency,
“which
shows
that
there
is
no
sufficient
foreign
currency
liquidity
to
support
dollarisation
in
Zimbabwe,”
he
said.

The
current
system
in
which
both
the
Zimbabwean
dollar
and
foreign
currencies
are
used
for
payments
is
ideal
for
promoting
growth
and
competitiveness
of
the
economy,
Mangudya
said.

The
governor’s
comments
come
as
the
government
has
sought
to
encourage
the
use
of
the
local
unit
that’s
plunged
by
22%
against
the
US
currency
since
October.
That’s
helped
fuel
inflation
to
more
than
60%
in
January.

The
US
dollar
is
being
used
to
pay
for
everything
from
fuel,
food,
medicines
and
school
fees.
State
workers
and
bank
employees
have
requested
to
be
paid
in
greenbacks.

The
local
currency
must
be
embraced
to
minimise
the
“sentimental
value”
of
holding
onto
the
past
dollarisation
era
which
had
its
own
challenges,
including
making
the
economy
uncompetitive
and
difficult
to
service
foreign
obligations,
Mangudya
said.

The
southern
African
country
shifted
to
the
US
dollar
from
2009
to
2019,
after
the
local
currency
collapsed
and
a
bout
of
hyperinflation
decimated
savings
and
resulted
in
fuel
and
food
shortages.

Dollarisation
is
“not
a
panacea
to
sustainably
and
competitively
develop
the
country,”
he
said.

CCC
was
formed
on
the
eve
of
the
Nomination
Court
ahead
of
the
March
26
by-elections
to
settle
a
dispute
over
the
use
of
the
name,
MDC
Alliance,
which
the
rival
opposition
party
the
MDC-T
was
claiming.

The
fight
of
MDC
Alliance
was,
according
to
analysts
and
even
CCC
members,
part
of
state-sponsored
attacks
to
decimate
the
opposition
and
if
Chamisa
was
to
change
the
party
name,
it
would
have
made
it
difficult
for
voters
to
know
the
new
name.

“The
thinking
was
if
MDC
Alliance
changed
its
name,
rebranded
the
election
symbols
and
came
up
with
a
new
symbol,
it
would
be
difficult
or
unfamiliar
to
the
average
voter.
It
would
require
investment
to
market
but
the
Nomination
Court
produced
has
a
popular
symbol
for
the
new
party,”
said
Prof
Moyo
during
a
Twitter
Space
hosted
by
CITE
on
the
aftermath
of
the
Nomination
Court:
By-elections
or
Mini-General
Election.

Prof
Moyo
clarified
that
in
Zimbabwe,
political
parties
did
not
register
but
their
election
symbols
are
registered
and
subject
to
approval
by
the
Zimbabwe
Electoral
Commission (ZEC).

“There
are
a
host
of
election
symbols
that
are
prohibited
and
yet
in
fact
one
of
the
interesting
consequences
of
this
Nomination
Court
is
that
it
is
the
one
that
approves
election
symbols,”
he
said.

“A
genius
act
by
Chamisa
has
in
fact
been
the
use
of
his
portrait
as
part
of
election
symbol.
This
is
the
most
visible
famous
portrait,
especially
in
the
wake
of
his
showing
in
the
2018
election
where
he
broke
the
two
million
voter
barrier
and
some
of
us
who
looked
carefully
into
elections
are
aware
he
won
those
elections.”

Therefore,
Prof
Moyo,
said
the
newest
party
in
the
country
has
the
most
popular
symbol,
as
both
urban
and
rural
folk
knew
Chamisa.

“I
don’t
think
many
people
are
as
familiar
with
the
Zanu
PF
election
symbol
as
people
want
to
imagine.
It’s
been
there
during
the
whole
period
of
Zanu
PF’s
existence,
since
1980.
While
they
changed
from
a
jongwe
(cock)
to
the
Zimbabwe
Great
Monuments,
the
election
symbol
in
all
these
years
was
Mugabe’s
face.
That’s
the
symbol
people
knew,
they
did
not
look
for
these
Great
Zimbabwe
Monuments,
it
is
not
that
familiar.
Mnangagwa’s
face
is
worse,”
he
said.

The
political
scientist
squashed
sentiments
that
using
one’s
face
as
an
election
symbol
was
occultism,
saying
critics
were
trying
to
piggyback
on
this
concept
of
a
cult
to
criticise
CCC.

“It’s
interesting
to
observe
the
state
media
is
finding
it
difficult
to
criticise
CCC
they
tried
to
allege
it
had
betrayed
self
by
using
the
raised
index
finger
of
ISIS,
the
terrorist
group.
They
didn’t
even
know
that
was
used
in
Islam.
One
had
hoped
it
would
create
a
whole
narrative
about
CCC
as
a
terrorist
group
of
some
kind.
It
didn’t
even
last
for
an
hour,
then
the
next
complaint
was
the
election
symbol
is
cultist,”
he
said.

“Can
you
imagine
if
you
were
to
counter
suppose
Mnangagwa’s
face
against
Chamisa’s
face,”
adding
“there
were
not
many
political
leaders
who
were
courageous
enough
to
use
their
faces
to
carry
their
political
parties.”

These
symbols,
said
Prof
Moyo,
were
interesting
as
far
as
identifying
political
parties,
as
they
set
them
apart
besides
their
policies.

“Ideology
and
what
the
party
is
offering
the
electorate
are
traditionally
the
most
important
in
elections
but
not
in
this
election.
In
this
election,
one
most
important
question
revolves
around
the
consequences
of
the
Zanu
PF
instigated
recall
of
MDC
Alliance
MPs
and
councillors
and
everybody
has
understood
this
has
been
about
Mnangagwa
versus
Chamisa,”
he
claimed.

The
former
minister
argued
the
above
sentiment
was
clear
after
the
2018
election
with
the
way
the
Constitutional
Court
conducted
itself
after
Chamisa
challenged
the
presidential
result.

“In
fact
(Chief
Justice
Luke)
Malaba
disgraced
himself
with
the
way
he
handled
that
election
petition.
The
events
of
August
1,
2018,
and
January
2019
all
point
to
Mnangagwa’s
nervousness
to
his
illegitimacy
looming
large,”
Prof
Moyo
said.

“It’s
obvious
that
security
arms
sympathetic
to
Mnangagwa
wanted
to
turn
tables
and
contain
the
illegitimacy
issue
for
Mnangagwa
by
creating
an
illegitimacy
crisis
for
Chamisa
and
they
found
a
willing
Supreme
Court
to
do
that
in
the
form
of
a
judgement
it
produced
in
March
2020.
For
nearly
two
years,
the
impression
created
in
the
public
was
‘Mnangagwa
was
ok’
and
the
‘one
not
ok
is
Chamisa’
and
this
is
where
Mwonzora
became
a
more
potent
instrument.”

Lawyers
are
supposed
to
follow
the
law,
as
are
judges.
However,
some
judges
just
don’t
believe
that
they
need
to
also
follow
the
law,
so
they
don’t.
A
trial
court
judge
in
Michigan
thought
that
the
punishment
did
not
fit
the
conviction,
so
he
sentenced
the
female
defendant
to
a
longer
term
than
prescribed
by
law.
Of
course,
an
appeal
followed,
and
the
appellate
court
reversed
the
sentencing,
spanking
the
judge
for
not
adhering
to
the
law,
and
ordering
him
to
resentence.
He
did
so,
and
again,
sentenced
the
defendant
to
a
higher
term
than
allowed
by
law.
Once
again,
an
appeal
followed,
and
he
was
again
reversed,
again
spanked,
but
this
time,

the
court
said
“enough,”
and
gave
the
matter
to
another
judge
for
resentencing,
not
desirous
of
having
this
judicial
problem-child
handle
the
matter
yet
again.
Any
whiffs
of
judicial
misconduct
or
bias?
Of
course
there
are,
but
this
judge
is
very
popular
and
has
won
re-election
consistently.

However,
this
incident
was
not
his
first
rodeo.
He
has
had
a
penchant
for
taking
things
personally,
like
telling
a
court
officer
to
taser
a
defendant,
taking
off
his
robe,
leaving
the
bench,
charging
the
defendant,
and
then
helping
the
court
officer
wrestle
him
to
the
ground.
This
is
a
21st
century
version
of
the
old
saying
“put
up
your
dukes.”
Disagreement
with
the
law
does
not
allow
disregard
…
or
does
it?
Do
we
have
any
examples
in
recent
history
about
that?

And
although
my
ATL
editors
may
cringe,
given
that
this
attorney
was
its
Lawyer
of
the
Year
in
2018,
four
years
is
a
lifetime
these
days.
Michael
Avenatti,
once
the
poster
child
for
representing
Stormy
Daniels
and
railing
against
former
President
Donald
Trump,
has
now
been
convicted
not
once,
but
twice.
Already
sentenced
to
prison
for
his
conviction
in

an
extortion
case
involving
Nike,
he
was
recently
convicted
for

bilking
his
client.
But
wait,
there’s
more.
He
faces
a
retrial
in
an
unrelated
case
here
in
California
for
theft
of
funds
from
clients
other
than
Stormy
Daniels,
but
first
he
has
an
appeal
to
be
heard
in
March
in
the
9th
Circuit,
arguing
that

the
prosecution
failed
to
provide
all
the
necessary
documents
from
his
prior
law
firm
that
would,
he
claims,
provide
a
defense.
The
former
president
may
well
be
enjoying
the
schadenfreude.

How
about
this
one?
Either
dismiss
your
petition
for
a
restraining
order
or
have
your
nude
photos
made
a
part
of
the
public
record
in
moving
to
dismiss
the
petition.
Good
lawyering?
Hardly,
although
the
attorney
thought
it
was.
The
Indiana
Supreme
Court
disagreed
and

benchslapped
that
attorney,
calling
it
intentional
bullying
and
coercion
and
handed
the
attorney
a
90-day
suspension.
Do
you
think
that
is
sufficient
punishment?
Where
is
the
line
between
aggressive
but
permissible
settlement
tactics
and
conduct
that
crosses
over
ethical
boundaries?
(See
Avenatti/Nike
above.)

I’ve
often
wondered
how
the
term
“thought
leader”
came
to
be.
And
how
is
a
thought
leader
defined
and
who
defines
it?
Is
it
one
of
those
self-defined
terms?
The
Cambridge
Dictionary
defines
the
term
as
“a
subject
matter
expert
whose
opinions
and
ideas
influence
other
people.”

But
how
do
we
know
that?
Do
peeps
go
around
spouting
ideas
to
influence
others?
How
many
thought
leaders
do
you
know?
Is
a
thought
leader
in
the
mind
of
the
beholder
of
the
thought?

Mark
Herrmann
captured
this
issue
perfectly
in
an
ATL
piece
he
wrote
four
years
ago.
He
said
that
just
because
you
think
you
are
a
thought
leader
doesn’t
mean
you
are
one.
Just
because
you
tweet
doesn’t
make
you
a
thought
leader.
(And
given
the
lunacy
of
some
tweets,
he’s
even
more
on
point
today.)
You
must
be
innovative,
and

you
must
be
able
to
have
peeps
follow
you.
Given
the
still
hide-bound
nature
of
our
profession
and
our
heel-dragging
on
changes,
it’s
the
disrupters
in
the
profession
who
are
thought
leaders,
those
who
are
thinking
of
different,
more
efficient
ways
to
provide
legal
services
—
especially
to
those
who
need
those
services
and
can’t
afford
them.

Do
you
think
there
will
ever
come

a
time
when
lawyers
and
judges
won’t
be
tagged
with
the
“first
woman
lawyer
to
do
X,”
the
“first
minority
lawyer
to
do
Y,”
and
so
on? 
I
understand
that
you
can’t
have
seconds,
thirds,
fourths
without
“firsts,”
but
it’s
frustrating
that
we
can’t
seem
to
get
beyond
numbers
and
disparaging
remarks.
And
yes,
I
am
a
“lesser
white
woman,”
who
is

stupefied
by
the
outrageous
comment
on
Twitter
(but
of
course)
by
an
incoming
Georgetown
Law
administrator
on
the
to-be-announced
Supreme
Court
nominee.
That
original
tweet
has
since
been
removed
and
there’s
an
apology
on
Twitter
(but
of
course),
but
the
damage
was
done.
Words
mean
what
they
say
they
mean,
and
just
because
there’s
a
subsequent
apology
doesn’t
change
what
was
originally
said.
Contrary
to
the
old
childhood
phrase
about
“stick
and
stones,”
words
hurt.
Just
because
you
are
supposed
to
be
smarter
than
the
average
bear
doesn’t
mean
that
you
are.
He’s
definitely
not
a
thought
leader.

In
the
“business
must
be
slow”
department,
a
law
firm
partner
has
recorded
sounds
of
his
farts.
I
am
all
for
silly
stupid
humor
(think
“Animal
House,”
“Mars
Attacks!,”
“Airplane”)
but I
am
not
making
this
up.
Talk
about
scraping
the
barrel’s
bottom.

Jill
Switzer
has
been
an
active
member
of
the
State
Bar
of
California
for
over
40
years.
She
remembers
practicing
law
in
a
kinder,
gentler
time.
She’s
had
a
diverse
legal
career,
including
stints
as
a
deputy
district
attorney,
a
solo
practice,
and
several
senior
in-house
gigs.
She
now
mediates
full-time,
which
gives
her
the
opportunity
to
see
dinosaurs,
millennials,
and
those
in-between
interact
—
it’s
not
always
civil.
You
can
reach
her
by
email
at



oldladylawyer@gmail.com.

Certainly,
managing
partners
and
firm
leaders
are
pretty
anxious
to
get
back.
That’s
not
true
up
and
down
the
line,
but
there
is
a
desire
to
get
on
with
it
and
establish
what
the
new
norms
are
going
to
be.
There
are
different
expectations
across
firms,
but
I’m
guessing
the
Kirkland
model,
with
some
variation,
will
become
the
norm.

—
Lisa
Smith,
a
law
firm
consultant
with
Fairfax
Associates,
commenting
on
law
firm
return-to-office
plans
in
an
interview
with

Reuters.
Under
the
“Kirkland
model,”
which
the

firm
announced
earlier
this
week,
associates
are
expected
to
work
from
the
office
three
days
each
week.

Staci
Zaretsky is
a
senior
editor
at
Above
the
Law,
where
she’s
worked
since
2011.
She’d
love
to
hear
from
you,
so
please
feel
free
to

email
her
with
any
tips,
questions,
comments,
or
critiques.
You
can
follow
her
on

Twitter
or
connect
with
her
on

LinkedIn.

Chikwinya,
was
one
of
the
six
legislators
who
were
recalled
from
Parliament
on
March
17,
2021,
by
the
People
Democratic
Party
(PDP),
having
won
the
Mbizo
seat
in
2018
for
the
MDC
Alliance.

In
an
interview
with
CITE,
Chikwinya,
seeking
to
reclaim
his
seat,
lamented
how
the
ruling
party
was
allowed
to
go
about
their
campaigning
activities,
unlike
the
opposition.

“So
far
there
are
no
incidences
of
violence
but
when
we
look
at
the
issue
of
environment,
we
remain
concerned
by
the
selective
application
of
the
law-by-law
enforcement
agencies
who
are
arresting
members
of
CCC
as
they
embark
on
their
campaign
yet
they
leave
Zanu
PF
members,”
he
said.

“We
have
been
addressed
by
the
Dispol
Superintendent
Commanding
Kwekwe
District
who
told
us
we
must
not
embark
on
door-to-door
campaigns
and
car
rallies.
However,
Zanu
PF
is
doing
the
same,
going
ahead
without
any
police
problems.”

National
Police
Spokesperson,
Assistant
Commissioner,
Paul
Nyathi,
said
he
could
not
respond
to
the
issue
as
he
was
not
aware
of
it.

“Maybe
it’s
communication
at
provincial
level,
I
can’t
answer
on
something
I’m
not
really
appraised
of.
Zanu
PF
has
its
own
spokesperson.
As
for
the
alleged
police
directive,
I
am
not
aware.
Maybe
you
can
contact
the
provincial
police
spokesperson
for
Midlands,”
Nyathi
said
when
reached
for
comment.

Nevertheless,
Chikwinya
said
CCC
was
mulling
using
traditional
methods
of
campaigning,
such
as
mass
rallies
but
added
these
were
a
risk
given
in
light
of
Covid-19.

“During
these
Covid-19
times,
people
are
genuinely
afraid
of
congregating
enmasse
because
of
Covid-19.
There
are
also
limitations
due
to
Covid-19
regulations,
as
only
a
maximum
of
100
people
is
allowed
per
rally,”
he
said,
noting
mass
rallies
could
also
fail
to
work
in
reaching
out
to
people.

“The
mass
rallies
may
not
work
this
time
and
we
have
not
yet
launched
one.
Again,
we
have
to
apply
(for
permission)
and
we
are
still
weighing
options.
We
are
in
a
bit
of
a
fix
and
a
mess.”

CCC
will
be
holding
some
party
programmes
this
coming
weekend
and
Chikwinya
said
they
would
use
them
to
assess
how
the
police
would
intervene.

“The
police
are
afraid
of
the
current
ruling
party
policies
and
are
literally
quacking
in
their
own
boots,”
he
said.

“The
only
serious
contenders
are
Zanu
PF
and
CCC
so
you
find
CCC
is
the
only
one
barred
because
the
other
parties
are
not
serious
contenders
and
are
not
on
the
ground
anyway.”

He
added
that
the
party
could
step
up
its
online
campaigning
but
this
came
at
a
cost
to
consumers
of
the
message
considering
that
most
people
could
not
afford
to
buy
data.

“You
don’t
want
to
campaign
whilst
giving
a
cost
to
the
consumer
of
the
message.
The
cost
must
be
deposited
to
you,
the
intended
beneficiary.
We
have
conducted
online
press
conferences
but
for
one
to
download
16
megabytes
it’s
a
cost
and
to
me
that
type
of
campaign
will
not
reach
out
to
many
due
to
the
cost
of
our
data,”
said
the
former
legislator.

Chikwinya
said
the
party
was
hoping
to
capitalise
on
door-to-door
campaigns,
where
fliers
are
distributed
and
people
could
read
in
the
comfort
of
their
own
homes.

“But
police
working
in
liaison
with
Zanu
PF
know
this
is
a
very
effective
campaign
and
have
decided
to
bar
these
door-to-door
campaigns,”
he
alleged,
noting
a
time
would
come
when
people
would
resist
bad
laws.

“You
can
only
restrict
people
to
a
certain
extent.
If
you
come
up
with
a
bad
law
it
can
be
resisted
and
I’m
sure
we
have
no
choice
but
to
restrict
these
bad
laws.”

The
Mbizo
MP
candidate
added
his
message
to
the
electorate
was
simple.

“This
is
a
by-election.
We
have
a
constitutional
mandate
as
citizens
to
reclaim
our
space
in
Parliament
and
provide
accountability
and
transparency.
MPs
once
elected
have
a
constitutional
duty
to
put
the
government
in
check,
to
restore
constitutionalism
and
parliamentary
democracy,”
Chikwinya
said.

He
believes
parliamentary
democracy
has
been
decimated
by
politicians
who
embedded
themselves
with
the
state.

“Seen
in
the
compromise
of
one
Douglas
Mwonzora
and
remaining
MPs
who
no
longer
provide
any
debate
or
alternative
to
Zanu
PF,
purely
on
the
basis
that
they
are
now
a
compromised
outlet,”
Chikwinya
said.

Chikwinya
claimed
CCC
was
receiving
more
reception
from
people
who
were
excited
by
the
change
in
identity.

“There
is
no
more
confusion
between
MDC
Alliance
and
CCC.
People
have
one
choice
alone,”
he
said.

One
of
the
most
innovative
general
counsel
ever,

Jeffrey
Carr
describes
his
career
as
decades
spent
on
the
radical
fringe
of
reforming
legal
services
delivery.
Yet
many
of
his
ideas
for
revamping
legal
departments,
once
viewed
as
radical,
have
now
become
mainstream.

As
general
counsel
at
FMC
Technologies
in
the
early
2000s,
Carr
disrupted
how
legal
departments
hire
and
compensate
outside
counsel,
creating
models
that
today
are
considered
standard
operating
procedure
at
many
companies.

After
retiring
from
FMC
in
2014,
he
went
on
to
work
with
Valorem
Law,
one
of
the
earliest
law
firms
to
focus
on
making
alternative
fee
arrangements
the
norm.
Valorem
became
the
progenitor
of
ElevateNext,
the
law
firm
affiliate
of
the
global
law
company
Elevate.
Carr
returned
to
a
GC
role
in
2019
at
Univar
Solutions,
where
he
sought
to
build
the
law
department
of
the
future.
Now
retired,
he
teaches,
writes,
and
pursues
his
hobby
of
driving
race
cars.

In
this
first
of
a
two-part
interview,
Carr
joins
me
to
talk
about
how
he
landed
on
the
“radical
fringe”
of
reforming
legal
services
and
to
discuss
some
of
the
initiatives
he
created
at
FMC,
including
the
Alliance
Counsel
Engagement
System,
or
ACES,
a
method
of
hiring
outside
counsel
so
unique
that
he
was
encouraged
to
patent
it.

We
also
discuss
Carr’s
recent
post
on
the
Legal
Evolution
blog,

Four
Waves
of
Change
in
#LawLand,
in
which
he
lays
out
his
framework
for
making
the
legal
system
better.

Thank
You
To
Our
Sponsors

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