The Deepfake Courtroom Problem: A Colorado Blue Ribbon Study Sheds Some Light And Offers A Start To Solutions – Above the Law

It’s
the
morning
of
the
first
day
of
trial.
Your
opponent
calls
her
first
witness
who
testifies
about
a
video
he
says
was
taken
at
the
accident
scene.
The
video
clearly
shows
your
client
running
the
red
light.
The
witness
is
pointing
at
the
screen
and
saying
the
video
is
a
fair
and
accurate
depiction
of
what
he
observed.
The
judge
nods
his
head
knowingly
and
looks
at
you.
Your
client
is
tugging
at
your
sleeve
and
whispering
something.
There
is
something
vaguely
off
about
the
footage.

What
do
you
do?
How
do
you
attack
the
presumed
authenticity?
Should
you?
What
if
the
video
is
more
or
less
authentic
but
has
been
enhanced?
Should
you
mention
that?
How?

Deepfakes
and
evidence
created
or
enhanced
by
AI
are
going
to
become
increasingly
prevalent.
There
are
numerous
examples
but
few
solutions
or
answers
for
lawyers
like
the
above,
for
judges
who
are
evidentiary
gatekeepers,
and
for
jurors
who
are
often
the
ultimate
decision-makers
in
court.

That’s
why
what
the
Visual
Evidence
Lab
at
University
of
Colorado
Boulder
recently
created
and
did
is
important.
The
Lab
gathered
20
some
experts
from
academia,
law,
media
forensics,
journalism,
and
human
rights
practice
in
April
of
this
year
to
discuss
the
use
of
video
and
AI
for
a
full
day
and
to
talk
about
the
problems
that
AI
can
and
is
creating
in
our
courtrooms.
The
group
released
a
report
entitled,


Video’s
Day
in
Court:
Advancing
Equitable
Legal
Usage
of
Visual
Technologies
and
AI
.

While
the
focus
of
the
group
was
on
video
evidence,
much
of
what
was
discussed
is
applicable
to
other
forms
of
non-documentary
evidence.
The
group
talked
about
three
key
things:
systematic
public
access
to
and
storage
of
video
evidence,
how
to
place
guidelines
on
the
interpretation
of
video
evidence
by
judges
and
juries
to
mitigate
bias
and
properly
interpret
the
evidence,
and
the
issues
posed
by
the
impact
of
AI
on
video
evidence
to
better
establish
and
ensure
reliability
and
integrity.


The
Access
Problem

The
group
was
concerned
about
access
since
unlike
documentary
evidence,
video
evidence
is
haphazardly
stored.
Why
is
that
important?
It
prevents
researchers
and
others
from
being
able
to
grasp
the
scope
of
the
problem
and
the
risks
it
poses.
It
also
precludes
a
meaningful
analysis
of
the
characteristics
that
might
indicate
a
deepfake:
“These
visual
materials
cannot
become
a
proper
part
of
common-law
jurisprudence
either
because
lawyers
and
judges
are
not
able
to
refer
in
any
reasoned
fashion
to
decisions
of
other
courts
regarding
comparable
videos.”

Frankly,
I
had
not
thought
of
this
issue.
But
as
we
shall
see
later
in
the
report
discussed
below,
the
lack
of
the
ability
to
understand
the
scope
and
magnitude
of
the
problem
hampers
the
ability
to
systematically
deal
with
it.

You
can’t
solve
a
problem
with
anecdotes
instead
of
facts.
But
anecdotes
are
all
we
have
right
now.

And
the
access
problem
is
only
the
beginning.


The
Interpretation
Problem

The
impact
of
video
evidence
is
different
than
documentary
evidence
in
ways
that
are
often
misunderstood.
There’s
lots
of
psychology
research
that
shows
perception
of
video
evidence
can
be
more
selective,
biased,
and
shaped
by
what
the
report
calls
motivated
reasoning,
that
is,
using
the
evidence
to
support
a
preexisting
conclusion.

In
addition,
the
video
medium
can
be
manipulated
to
shape
interpretations.
Things
like
playback
speed
can
alter
the
perception
of
video
evidence:
it
makes
the
depicted
action
seem
more
deliberate.
Other
factors
including
camera
angle
and
field
of
view
are
important.
The
report
concludes,
“Despite
the
multiple
factors
shaping
interpretation
and
decision-making,
judges,
lawyers,
and
jurors
are
largely
unaware
of
the
various
influences
on
how
they
construe
what
they
see
in
a
video.”

Put
bluntly,
video
evidence,
by
its
very
nature,
impacts
decision-making
in
ways
that
are
different
than
other
evidence.
There
is
precious
little
study
of
how
this
impacts
decision-making
in
the
courtroom
and
how
altering
or
enhancing
the
video
can
impact
that
reasoning.
Without
that,
it’s
hard
to
know
what
is
fair
and
how
to
define
what
is
impartial
when
it
comes
to
decision-making.

For
example,
is
it
fair
for
a
jury
to
be
presented
with
an
enhanced
video
to
better
demonstrate
a
bloody
and
brutal
injury?
Or
does
that
place
jurors
too
close
to
the
victim
and
interfere
with
fairness?


The
Impact
of
AI

All
of
these
issues
are
compounded
by
AI,
the
report
concluded.
It’s
hard
to
confidently
distinguish
whether
a
video
accurately
depicts
what
it
is
being
offered
to
show,
the
standard
test
of
authenticity.
 Three
questions
arise:

  • The
    difficulty
    detecting
    and
    verifying
    AI-created
    media
  • The
    uncertainty
    about
    what
    kind
    of
    enhancement
    is
    permissible
    in
    court
  • The
    fear
    that
    deepfakes
    may
    become
    more
    prevalent

Here’s
the
problem:
as
noted
by
the
report,
the
Advisory
Committee
on
Federal
Evidentiary
Rules
decided
in
May
of
this
year
that
no
changes
to
Evidentiary
Rule
901
which
governs
authenticity
were
necessary.
Why?
Because
the
Committee
concluded
so
few
deepfakes
had
been
offered
as
evidence.
(Of
course,
that
assumes
that
all
“deepfakes”
had
been
found,
labelled,
and
that
labelling
recorded
in
a
way
that
could
be
accessed,
which
gets
back
to
the
first
problem.)
 The
Lab
report
notes:

The
central
challenge
is
how
to
establish
robust
authentication
standards
that
can
withstand
scrutiny,
without
simultaneously
creating
verification
systems
that
compromise
people’s
right
to
confront
evidence
or
endanger
the
human
rights
of
media
creators
and
witnesses.

The
report
also
noted
that
courts
have
long
allowed
the
use
and
admission
of
technologically
enhanced
media
like
enlarged
photos
and
interactive
3D
models.
But
AI
tools
bring
new
levels
of
enhancement
not
seen
before.

Moreover,
the
ease
of
use
and
affordability
of
these
tools
make
them
ubiquitous.
Things
like
changes
to
resolution,
brightness,
contrast,
sharpness,
and
other
features
allow
video
evidence
(and
photographic
evidence
for
that
matter)

features
we
all
use
every
day,
by
the
way

to
be
presented
in
new
and
persuasive
ways.

Here’s
a
real-world
example
of
a
problem
with
video.
In
a
previous
life,
I
was
a
swim
official.
One
of
the
calls
a
swimming
official
makes
is
to
make
sure
in
relay
events
no
swimmer
leaves
the
blocks
before
his
teammate
touches
the
wall.
The
only
way
to
do
that
is
to
stand
right
next
to
the
block.
I
can’t
tell
you
how
many
times
a
spectator
would
come
to
me
with
a
video
taken
30
yards
away
to
dispute
a
call.

That
video,
of
course,
is
not
an
accurate
depiction
of
what
actually
happened.
But
the
spectator
would
extrapolate
what
actually
happened
from
that
video.

The
question
is
at
what
point
do
those
kinds
of
enhancements
cross
the
line
between
what
is
convenient
and
proper
and
become
a
deepfake?
We
have
no
firm,
universal
rules
to
determine
this.
Without
these
rules,
inequalities
exist
which
undermines
a
consistent
application
of
the
rule
of
law.

There
is,
by
the
way,
a
proposed
amendment
to
Evidentiary
Rule
707
that
would
apply
the
Daubert
standard
of
reliability
to
determine
the
admissibility
of
AI-enhanced
and
-generated
evidence.
It
is
open
for
public
comment
until
February
2026.

All
of
this,
combined
with
the
fear
that
deepfakes
are
going
to
become
more
and
more
prevalent,
all
raise
issues
of
evidentiary
integrity,
says
the
report.


What
Is
There
to
Do?

The
Colorado
gang
didn’t
just
stop
at
identifying
a
problem,
they
came
up
with
several
recommendations
to
get
us
to
some
solutions:

  • The
    development
    of
    standards
    for
    labeling,
    storing,
    securing,
    and
    archiving
    video
    evidence.
    This
    would
    include
    a
    data
    strategy
    along
    with
    a
    decentralized
    architecture
    that
    would
    enable
    use
    and
    analysis
    of
    that
    data.
  • The
    development
    of
    visual
    evidence
    training
    for
    judges
    (e.g.,
    how
    to
    probe
    and
    ask
    relevant
    questions)
    to
    better
    perform
    their
    role
    as
    gatekeepers.
  • The
    development
    of
    research-based
    guidance
    to
    help
    jurors
    better
    evaluate
    video
    evidence.
  • Systematic
    research
    into
    the
    prevalence
    of
    deepfakes
    in
    court
    to
    develop
    safeguards
    for
    AI-generated
    evidence.
  • The
    issuance
    of
    ethics
    opinions
    on
    the
    offering
    of
    known
    or
    suspected
    AI-generated
    or
    -enhanced
    evidence.

According
to
the
report:

Judges
must
be
prepared
to
handle
cases
involving
AI-generated
and
AI-enhanced
video
evidence.
Improving
notice
and
disclosure
for
AI-enhanced
evidence
can
help
safeguard
reliability
without
further
exacerbating
the
inequality
of
access
to
justice.


The
Report
Conclusion                                                         

The
Report
concluded
as
follows:

The
development
of
a
long-term
infrastructure
for
storing
and
accessing
evidentiary
videos,
research-based
training
for
judges,
instructions
for
jurors,
and
safeguards
for
the
admission
of
AI-based
evidence
will
advance
the
consistent
and
fair
use
of
video
and
AI
technologies
in
the
pursuit
of
justice.


Some
Final
Thoughts

Yes,
the
report
is
short
on
concrete,
practical
solutions.
It’s
one
thing
to
say
we
need
to
do
things
like
educate
judges.
It’s
another
thing
to
create
training
modules
and
roundtables
to
do
just
that.
The
former
is
easy,
the
latter
harder.

But
what
the
Lab
has
done
is
a
start.
It’s
a
studied,
inclusive,
and
fair
examination
of
a
problem
that’s
only
going
to
get
worse
without
action.
While
the
devil
is
often
in
the
details,
you
don’t
get
to
the
details
without
understanding
the
problem
you
are
trying
to
solve.
That’s
what
the
Colorado
group
is
doing.
That’s
what
we
need
more
of
if
we
as
a
profession
are
going
to
successfully
confront
the
problem.

Until
we
get
serious
about
understanding
the
scope
of
this
problem,
we’re
just
playing
courtroom
roulette
with
the
truth.




Stephen
Embry
is
a
lawyer,
speaker,
blogger,
and
writer.
He
publishes TechLaw
Crossroads
,
a
blog
devoted
to
the
examination
of
the
tension
between
technology,
the
law,
and
the
practice
of
law

Zimbabwe Vigil Diary 27th December 2025


29.12.2025


17:22

Another
virtual
Vigil
today
continues
our
protest
against
the
human
rights
abuse
and
lack
of
democracy
in
Zimbabwe. 



https://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/55010402236/sizes/m/

Our
virtual
Vigil
activists
today
were
Maggie
Nobire
Dhlamini
and
Tatenda
Tsumba.
They
carried
placards
expressing
their
dissatisfaction
with
ZANU
PF,
Zimbabwe’s
ruling
regime.  Photos:

https://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/albums/72177720331169708/
.

For
Vigil
pictures
check: http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/.
Please
note:
Vigil
photos
can
only
be
downloaded
from
our
Flickr
website.


Events
and
Notices:  


  • Next
    Vigil
    meeting
    outside
    the
    Zimbabwe
    Embassy. 
    Saturday
    3rd January
    2026
    from
    2

    5
    pm.
    We
    meet
    on
    the
    first
    and
    third
    Saturdays
    of
    every
    month.
    On
    other
    Saturdays
    the
    virtual
    Vigil
    will
    run.

  • The
    Restoration
    of
    Human
    Rights
    in
    Zimbabwe
    (ROHR)
     is
    the
    Vigil’s
    partner
    organisation
    based
    in
    Zimbabwe.
    ROHR
    grew
    out
    of
    the
    need
    for
    the
    Vigil
    to
    have
    an
    organisation
    on
    the
    ground
    in
    Zimbabwe
    which
    reflected
    the
    Vigil’s
    mission
    statement
    in
    a
    practical
    way.
    ROHR
    in
    the
    UK
    actively
    fundraises
    through
    membership
    subscriptions,
    events,
    sales
    etc
    to
    support
    the
    activities
    of
    ROHR
    in
    Zimbabwe.

  • The
    Vigil’s
    book
    ‘Zimbabwe
    Emergency’
     is
    based
    on
    our
    weekly
    diaries.
    It
    records
    how
    events
    in
    Zimbabwe
    have
    unfolded
    as
    seen
    by
    the
    diaspora
    in
    the
    UK.
    It
    chronicles
    the
    economic
    disintegration,
    violence,
    growing
    oppression
    and
    political
    manoeuvring

    and
    the
    tragic
    human
    cost
    involved. It
    is
    available
    at
    the
    Vigil.
    All
    proceeds
    go
    to
    the
    Vigil
    and
    our
    sister
    organisation
    the
    Restoration
    of
    Human
    Rights
    in
    Zimbabwe’s
    work
    in
    Zimbabwe.
    The
    book
    is
    also
    available
    from
    Amazon.


  • Facebook
    pages:   

  • Vigil : 
    https ://www.facebook.com/zimbabwevigil
  • ROHR: https://www.facebook.com/Restoration-of-Human-Rights-ROHR-Zimbabwe-International-370825706588551/
  • ZAF: https://www.facebook.com/pages/Zimbabwe-Action-Forum-ZAF/490257051027515

The
Vigil,
outside
the
Zimbabwe
Embassy,
429
Strand,
London
meets
regularly
on
Saturdays
from
14.00
to
17.00
to
protest
against
gross
violations
of
human
rights
in
Zimbabwe.
The
Vigil
which started
in
October
2002
will
continue
until
internationally-monitored,
free
and
fair
elections
are
held
in
Zimbabwe.

Post
published
in:

Featured

Elite Biglaw Firm Will No Longer Participate In Law School On-Campus Interview Programs – Above the Law

We
already
knew
that
Biglaw
firms
were
stepping
away
from
using
law
school
interview
programs
as
their
main
source
of
recruitment

in
favor
of
alternative
hiring
plans
,
but
one
elite
law
firm
just
made
a
move
that
may
spell
doom
for
on-campus
interviews
if
more
firms
decide
to
follow
its
lead.

Latham
&
Watkins

a
firm
that
brought
in
$5,688,226,000
gross
revenue
in
2023,
putting
it
at
No.
2
on
the
Am
Law
100

will
no
longer
be
participating
in
law
school
interview
programs
to
recruit
summer
associates.
Instead,
the
firm
is
encouraging
all
candidates
to
send
their
applications
directly
to
the
firm.

Bloomberg
Law

has
additional
details:

The
Los
Angeles-founded
firm
had
been
cutting
on-campus
interviews,
dubbed
OCIs,
over
the
last
three
years
before
opting
out
entirely
this
year,
according
to
the
person
[familiar
with
the
matter],
who
spoke
on
a
condition
of
anonymity.
The
3,000-lawyer
firm
has
directed
law
students
to
apply
online
for
the
summer
associate
positions
that
are
the
principal
pathway
for
graduating
law
students
to
get
jobs.

As
the
National
Association
for
Law
Placement
reported
earlier
this
month,
the
majority
of
offers
(56%)
made
during
the
2025
recruitment
cycle
resulted
from
alternative
hiring
programs.
In
the
wake
of
Latham’s
move,
Nikia
Gray,
NALP’s
executive
director,
now
believes
that
OCI
will
shift
to
becoming
“more
of
a
primary
tool
for
regional
and
local
firms.
For
those
big
national
firms,
it’s
going
to
become
something
that
they
perhaps
participate
in
to
top
off
or
round
out
their
class.”

How
many
Biglaw
firms
will
step
away
from
on-campus
recruiting
now
that
Latham
has
officially
put
another
nail
in
its
coffin?
Only
time
will
tell.
Is
your
law
firm
planning
to
kick
OCI
to
the
curb?
Please
let
us
know.
You
can email
us
 or
text
us
(646-820-8477)
if
you
have
any
intel.
Thank
you.


Latham
Scraps
On-Campus
Interviews
to
Recruit
Summer
Associates

[Bloomberg
Law]


Staci Zaretsky




Staci
Zaretsky
 is
a
senior
editor
at
Above
the
Law,
where
she’s
worked
since
2011.
She’d
love
to
hear
from
you,
so
please
feel
free
to

email

her
with
any
tips,
questions,
comments,
or
critiques.
You
can
follow
her
on BlueskyX/Twitter,
and Threads, or
connect
with
her
on LinkedIn.

Another National Security Concern! – Above the Law

(Photo
by
Andrew
Harnik/Getty
Images)

President
Donald
Trump
demolished
the
East
Wing
of
the
White
House
without
going
through
any
government
approval
process. The
administration
said
that
it
didn’t
need
anyone’s
approval
to
demolish
the
old
building;
it
needed
approval
only
for
constructing,
not
destroying,
buildings.

Now,
when
opponents
have
filed
a
lawsuit
to
prevent
the
construction
of
the
ostentatious
Trump
Ballroom
to
replace
the
old
East
Wing,
the
government
says
that
courts
should
reject
that
objection
because
the
absence
of
a
building
on
the
site
of
the
East
Wing
poses
national
security
concern
.  

I
have
a
question: Didn’t
Trump
just
create
that
national
security
problem
by
tearing
down
the
old
East
Wing?

I
mean: There
was
no
national
security
concern
six
months
ago,
when
the
old
East
Wing
existed. And
now
there’s
a
national
security
concern
caused
by
the
absence
of
the
building.

So
Trump
has
to
solve
a
national
security
concern
that
he
just
created?  

(We’re
having
a
sale: 50%
off
prices
we
recently
raised
50%!)

Shouldn’t
he
have
thought
about
national
security
before
he
tore
down
the
original
building?

National
security
seems
to
be
coming
up
a
lot
these
days. In
January,
Trump
issued
an
executive
order
stopping
all
leases
for
wind
farms. A
few
weeks
ago,
a
federal
judge
threw
out
that
order. Last
week,
Trump
again
halted
all
leases
for
wind
farms,
but
now
he
claims
that
those
wind
farms
cause
“clutter”
on
radar,
which
is
national
security
 concern.

The
National
Ocean
Industries
Association
was
not
amused. 
NOIA
President
Erik
Milito told

Axios 
that
the
national-security
ramifications
of
the
offshore
projects
had
previously
been
appraised
as
part
of
a
regulatory
process
and
“every
project
under
construction
has
already
undergone
review
by
the
Department
of
Defense
with
no
objections.” 

It’s
almost
like
the
administration
is
ginning
up
national
security
concerns
that
don’t
really
exist,
huh?

Remember: Trump
has
justified
his
tariffs
in
part
because
of
national
security
concerns.
That
justification
is
correct
in
certain
contexts: We
need
a
domestic
steel
industry
for
purposes
of
defense;
in
times
of
war,
we
should
have
domestic
capacity
to
build
tanks.
If
we
impose
a
tariff
to
ensure
that
our
steel
industry
doesn’t
collapse,
that
seems
legitimate. But
does
it
truly
involve
national
security
to
impose
tariffs
on
toys
and
food
and
to
retaliate
for
Brazil
having
chosen
to
prosecute
Jair
Bolsonaro?

I
personally
think
that
the
world
is
better
off
when
government
officials
who
have
committed
crimes
are
put
in
jail,
although
I
understand
why
Trump
might
disagree
with
me
on
that
issue.

Trump
has
also
invoked
national
security
as
a
justification
for
beefing
up
border
enforcement;
designating
drug
cartels
as
foreign
terrorist
organizations
(which
justifies
using
military
force
against
the
cartels);
imposing
sanctions
on
Venezuela;
screening
new
immigrants;
and
so
on.

This
poses
a
problem
for
courts. The
president’s
power
should
legitimately
be
at
its
most
robust
in
areas
of
national
security. Defending
the
country
may
be
the
president’s
highest
priority.
Courts
properly
defer
to
presidents
who
act
to
solve
national
security
concerns.

But
what
should
courts
do
with
a
president
who
is
a
fabulist
and
asserts
“national
security”
to
justify
any
stray
policy
he
wants
to
enact?
Perhaps
courts
should
look
more
closely
at
whether
assertions
of
national
security
are
grounded
in
fact?

Otherwise,
to
borrow
from
Andy
Borowitz,
the
government
will
soon
invoke
national
security
as
the
reason
for
having
renamed
the
Trump-Beethoven
Seventh
Symphony.




Mark Herrmann spent
17
years
as
a
partner
at
a
leading
international
law
firm
and
later
oversaw
litigation,
compliance
and
employment
matters
at
a
large
international
company.
He
is
the
author
of The
Curmudgeon’s
Guide
to
Practicing
Law
 and Drug
and
Device
Product
Liability
Litigation
Strategy
 (affiliate
links).
You
can
reach
him
by
email
at [email protected].

Take Our Law Firm Compensation Survey! – Above the Law

We
are
hearing
lots
about

bonuses

at
Biglaw
firms
(and
a
few

elite
boutiques
)
these
days,
which
is
great

so
keep
those
tips
coming
in!

But
we
know
that
many
readers
work
in
small
and
midsize
firms
that
may
not
play
the
Biglaw
bonus
matching
game.
That’s
where
our
law
firm
compensation
survey
comes
in.

Every
year,
we
collect
compensation
information
from
solo
practitioners
and
small
firm
lawyers
for
our
annual

compensation
report
,
and
this
year
we
also
want
to
hear
from
attorneys
at
midsize
law
firms.

If you
are
a
lawyer
at
a
firm
with
fewer
than
250
attorneys,
please click
here
 to
take
this
brief, completely
confidential
survey
.

Feel
free
to
share
the
survey
with
colleagues
and
peers;
the
more
responses
we
receive,
the
more
comprehensive
the
information
we’ll
have
to
share.


Morning Docket: 12.29.25 – Above the Law

*
The
Supreme
Court
told
the
Trump
administration
it
couldn’t
deploy
national
guard
troops
to
police
cities.
[One
First
]

*
But
this
probably
won’t
amount
to
more
than
a
speed
bump
for
the
administration.
[The
Bulwark
]

*
Meanwhile,
Kavanaugh
used
this
opinion
as
an
opportunity
to
convince
people
to
stop
calling
his
racial
profiling
standard
a
racial
profiling
standard.
[Raw
Story
]

*
Epstein
files
reveal
Trump’s
first
administration
DOJ
put
reporter
under
surveillance
for
investigating
Epstein’s
crimes.
[Daily
Beast
]

*
Diddy
seeks
resentencing.
[National
Law
Journal
]

*
Under
a
standard
obligation
not
to
make
extrajudicial
remarks
about
Kilmar
Abrego
Garcia,
the
government…
immediately
makes
extrajudicial
remarks
about
Kilmar
Abrego
Garcia.
[Mother
Jones
]

*
Are
young
lawyers
lateraling
too
much?
Probably
not.
[New
York
Law
Journal
]

Why money politics may unravel Zimbabwe’s power retention template

ZIMBABWE
may
be
approaching
a
quiet
but
seismic
political
inflection
point
not
through
elections
alone,
not
through
mass
protest,
but
through
the
steady
rise
of zvigananda:
a
class
of
politically
connected
dealmakers
whose
power
flows
less
from
ideology
and
more
from
balance
sheets.

This
is
not
merely
a
change
of
faces.
It
is
potentially
a
change
of
logic.

For
decades,
Zanu
PF
has
ruled
through
a
carefully
preserved
institutional
memory,
one
forged
in
the
liberation
struggle,
sanctified
by
nationalism,
and
enforced
through
coercive
power
structures.
The
party’s
legitimacy
has
never
been
purely
electoral;
it
has
been
historical.
The
refrain
of
“we
fought
for
this
country”
has
been
both
shield
and
sword. Zvigananda do
not
speak
that
language.

From
the
liberation
war
itself
through
to
post-independence
consolidation,
Zanu
PF
has
relied
on
a
potent
mix
of
liberation
legitimacy
(“we
liberated
you”),
coercive
capacity
(army,
intelligence,
militias),
and
institutional
continuity
(party,
state,
security
fused).

Violence
was
not
accidental,
it
was
instrumental.
From
wartime
mobilisation
of
the
masses
to
post-2000
election
cycles,
coercion
served
as
the
ultimate
guarantor
of
power.
Even
when
ballots
were
used,
they
were
never
the
only
mechanism
in
play.

Crucially,
the
generals
and
the
security
establishment
were
not
just
muscle
they
were
ideological
custodians.
Power
rested
on
the
belief
that
the
state
itself
was
born
out
of
struggle,
and
therefore
any
challenge
to
the
ruling
party
was
a
challenge
to
the
nation.

That
architecture
has
a
memory.
And
memory
matters.

Figures
such
as
Kudakwashe
Tagwirei,
Wicknell
Chivhayo,
and
Paul
Tungwarara
represent
something
fundamentally
different.

Their
politics
is
not
forged
in
the
bush
but
in
boardrooms.
Their
legitimacy
is
not
ideological
but
transactional.
Their
influence
is
not
built
on
coercion
but
on
access.

Cars
are
gifted.
Cash
circulates.
Contracts
flow.
This
is
not
nationalism,
it
is
wheeler-dealing
capitalism
dressed
in
political
proximity.

Where
Zanu
PF
historically
relied
on
fear
and
mythology, zvigananda rely
on
inducement.
Vote
buying
replaces
coercion.
Patronage
replaces
mobilisation.
Loyalty
becomes
rented,
not
embedded.
That
distinction
is
not
cosmetic.
It
is
existential.

If
zvigananda
ever
consolidate
real
political
power,
they
may
unintentionally
dismantle
the
very
machinery
that
has
kept
Zanu
PF
in
office.
Why?
Because
they
do
not
understand
or
respect
the
old
spell.

They
lack
liberation
credentials.
They
do
not
command
organic
loyalty
from
the
security
sector.
They
prioritise
economic
power
over
ideological
control.

In
doing
so,
they
risk
hollowing
out
the
party’s
institutional
memory,
the
unwritten
rules
about
when
to
intimidate,
when
to
appease,
when
to
deploy
force,
and
when
to
retreat
tactically.

Money
can
buy
silence.
It
cannot
buy
belief.
And
belief
is
what
kept
the
system
intact
during
crises.

Zvigananda
need
stability
to
protect
capital.
Generals
needed
power
to
protect
the
state.
That
is
not
the
same
incentive
structure.

If
political
control
becomes
subordinate
to
economic
convenience,
hard
questions
emerge.

If
the
army
is
no
longer
the
ideological
power
behind
the
throne,
who
enforces
order?
If
loyalty
is
transactional,
what
happens
when
the
money
runs
dry?
If
nationalism
is
abandoned,
what
narrative
fills
the
vacuum?

History
shows
that
regimes
fall
not
when
they
are
hated,
but
when
they
lose
the
capacity
and
the
will
to
defend
themselves.

If
Cde
Nhamoyapera
cannot
“finish
Nhamo”
in
three
years,
what
replaces
the
liberation
myth?
Development?
Vision?
Prosperity?

Those
require
delivery,
not
slogans.
And
delivery
is
unforgiving.
Liberation
rhetoric
can
excuse
failure
for
decades.
Economic
legitimacy
cannot.
Once
politics
becomes
about
performance
rather
than
history,
the
margin
for
error
collapses.

Perhaps
the
most
dangerous
consequence
of zvigananda dominance
is
psychological.
Zanu
PF’s
power
has
always
rested
on
the
anticipation
of
force,
not
just
its
use.
Remove
the
generals
as
ideological
anchors,
reduce
politics
to
gifting
and
deals,
and
fear
dissipates.
And
when
fear
fades,
uprisings
no
longer
need
permission.

The
rise
of zvigananda may
look
like
modernisation,
pragmatism,
even
reform.
In
reality,
it
could
be
the
unravelling
of
a
system
that
only
ever
worked
because
it
understood
one
brutal
truth:
power
is
not
only
bought
it
is
remembered,
enforced,
and
believed
in.

Money
can
open
doors.
But
it
cannot
replace
mythology.
And
when
mythology
collapses,
regimes
do
not
reform.
They
fall.

Government’s $400,000 debt chokes Alpha Media Holdings operations

HARARE

The
government
owes
Alpha
Media
Holdings
(AMH)
about
US$400
000
in
unpaid
advertising
and
newspaper
subscription
fees
dating
back
more
than
a
year,
a
debt
that
has
severely
strained
the
operations
of
one
of
Zimbabwe’s
last
remaining
privately
owned
mainstream
media
groups.

AMH,
which
is
owned
by
Trevor
Ncube,
publishes
NewsDay,
Zimbabwe
Independent,
The
Standard
and
Southern
Eye,
and
also
runs
the
Heart
and
Soul
(HSTV)
web-based
radio
station.

The
company
has
recently
come
under
scrutiny
amid
reports
that
journalists
were
paid
just
US$50
each
on
Christmas
Eve,
with
staff
having
gone
for
several
months
without
full
salaries.

AMH
has
not
publicly
responded
to
the
allegations,
but
senior
company
officials
said
the
financial
distress
is
largely
attributable
to
the
government’s
failure
to
settle
outstanding
obligations.

“While
AMH’s
challenges
reflect
global
pressures
on
legacy
media,
the
government’s
failure
to
honour
its
advertising
and
subscription
debts
poses
an
existential
threat
to
the
country’s
last
privately
owned
mainstream
media
house,”
an
AMH
executive
said.

“With
government
departments
owing
us
about
US$400
000,
cash
flows
have
been
severely
constrained.
The
delayed
payments
to
contractors,
including
media
houses,
appear
to
be
part
of
a
broader
strategy
to
protect
the
ZiG
from
devaluation.”

According
to
the
Advertising
Media
Association
(ADMA),
the
government
also
owes
millions
of
dollars
in
local
currency
to
other
media
companies,
including
state-owned
Zimbabwe
Newspapers
(Zimpapers),
Jester
Media
Services
(publishers
of
the
Daily
News),
and
Askleland
Media.

In
March,
ADMA
wrote
to
President
Emmerson
Mnangagwa’s
spokesperson
George
Charamba
seeking
intervention,
but
the
matter
remains
unresolved.

AMH
executives
believe
the
recent
leakage
of
internal
salary
issues
is
part
of
a
coordinated
campaign
by
sections
of
government
to
weaken
and
silence
the
company’s
critical
publications.

“There
is
a
deliberate
attempt
to
smear
management
while
ignoring
the
fact
that
the
government
owes
us
enough
money
to
clear
salary
arrears,”
another
executive
said.

“The
difference
between
us
and
Zimpapers
is
that
they
receive
concessionary
loans
and
direct
government
support

privileges
we
do
not
enjoy.
On
top
of
that,
this
has
not
been
an
ordinary
year,
given
the
arrests
of
senior
journalists
and
escalating
legal
costs.”

In
February,
HSTV
senior
journalist
Blessed
Mhlanga
was
jailed
for
72
days
without
trial
after
covering
a
press
conference
addressed
by
former
Zanu
PF
central
committee
member
and
war
veteran
Blessed
Geza.

Geza
has
become
a
vocal
critic
of
the
Mnangagwa
administration,
calling
for
the
president
to
step
down
over
alleged
misgovernance
and
failure
to
tackle
corruption.

Mhlanga
and
HSTV
are
still
appearing
in
court
on
charges
of
“transmitting
data
messages
that
incite
violence
or
damage
property.”

Five
months
later,
Zimbabwe
Independent
editor
Faith
Zaba
was
arrested
and
jointly
charged
with
AMH
for
allegedly
insulting
the
president.
The
charges
stem
from
the
newspaper’s
satirical
column
Muckraker,
with
the
trial
yet
to
commence.

Bail disparity as alleged shooter walks free, while employer remains jailed

BULAWAYO

Serious
questions
are
being
raised
over
the
administration
of
justice
after
the
High
Court
granted
bail
to
a
mine
security
guard
accused
of
fatally
shooting
a
man,
while
denying
bail
to
his
employer,
Italian-born
businessman
Francesco
Marconati.

The
National
Prosecuting
Authority
(NPA)
expressly
conceded
that
Marconati
should
be
released.

The
sharply
contrasting
outcomes
delivered
by
the
same
judge
on
the
same
day
have
fuelled
claims
that
factors
beyond
the
court
record
may
be
influencing
the
matter,
particularly
given
Marconati’s
significant
mining
interests
in
Matabeleland
North.

On
December
19,
2025,
Justice
Ngoni
Nduna
of
the
Bulawayo
High
Court
granted
bail
to
Mbekezeli
Ngwabi,
the
employee
alleged
to
have
pulled
the
trigger
on
a
group
of
trespassers
at
Duration
Gold
Limited
(DGL)
Mine
in
Inyathi,
killing
one
man.

Ngwabi
was
released
on
US$800
bail.
The
NPA,
represented
by
S
Phiri,
did
not
oppose
bail,
and
the
court
imposed
routine
conditions
without
identifying
any
compelling
reasons
for
continued
detention.

Yet
on
the
same
day,
Justice
Nduna
dismissed
Marconati’s
appeal
against
refusal
of
bail,
keeping
the
66-year-old
businessman
in
custody,
notwithstanding
an
unusually
strong
written
concession
by
the
NPA.

In
its
formal
response
to
the
bail
appeal,
the
prosecution
went
beyond
neutrality
and
openly
repudiated
the
magistrate’s
findings,
stating:
“The
respondent
concedes
that
the
court
a
quo
misdirected
itself
in
finding
that
the
appellant
was
a
flight
risk
in
the
absence
of
evidence
supporting
such
a
conclusion.”

The
NPA
further
told
the
High
Court
that
the
magistrate’s
conclusions
were
unsupported
by
facts
placed
before
the
court.

“There
was
no
evidence
placed
before
the
court
to
demonstrate
that
the
appellant
had
previously
absconded
or
attempted
to
evade
justice.”

Crucially,
the
State
acknowledged
that
the
legal
threshold
for
continued
detention
had
not
been
met.

“The
respondent
is
unable
to
point
to
any
compelling
or
exceptional
circumstances
justifying
the
continued
incarceration
of
the
appellant,”
the
NPA
said.

Far
from
opposing
bail,
the
prosecution
affirmatively
supported
Marconati’s
release,
adding
that
it
has
“no
objection
to
the
appellant
being
admitted
to
bail
on
conditions
that
the
Honourable
Court
may
deem
fit
in
the
interests
of
justice.”

“In
the
circumstances,
the
respondent
respectfully
submits
that
the
appeal
ought
to
succeed
and
that
the
appellant
be
admitted
to
bail,”
it
added.

Justice
Nduna
acknowledged
this
position
in
his
ruling,
noting
that:
“This
application
is
not
opposed
by
the
State,
which
filed
submissions
consenting
to
his
admission
to
bail.
The
state
is
of
the
view
that
the
court
a
quo
erred
in
its
handling
of
the
matter
and
cannot
support
the
conclusion
reached
therein.”

He
also
cited
settled
authority,
including
Attorney-General
v
Chiwashira
&
Others
1994
(1)
ZLR
1
(HC),
which
held
that
state
consent
to
bail
should
weigh
heavily
in
favour
of
release,
and
Oscar
Zenda
v
The
State
HB
101/17,
which
warned
against
courts
“descending
into
the
arena.”

Despite
this,
Justice
Nduna
ruled
that
the
appeal
court
was
bound
by
the
magistrate’s
earlier
findings
that
Marconati
was
a
flight
risk
with
a
propensity
to
commit
offences,
concluding.

“When
a
court
finds
that
an
applicant
is
a
flight
risk…
that
is
the
end
of
the
matter,”
Justice
Nduna
concluded.

The
appeal
was
dismissed.

Adding
to
the
controversy,
Marconati’s
lawyers,
Madzima
&
Company,
wrote
to
the
Registrar
of
the
High
Court
on
December
23,
2025,
complaining
that
the
court
order
and
reasons
for
judgement
had
not
been
availed,
despite
assurances
given
in
open
court
that
they
would
be
ready
by
December
21.

The
lawyers
argued
that
Marconati
had
been
in
custody
since
December
9,
2025,
and
that
timely
access
to
the
order
and
reasons
was
vital
to
properly
advise
their
client
on
further
legal
remedies.

Senior
lawyer
Advocate
Lewis
Uriri,
who
appeared
for
Marconati,
argued
that
the
law
was
settled:
“Once
the
state
has
made
a
concession,
the
court
has
no
choice
in
the
matter,
the
accused
must
be
released.”

Legal
analysts
note
that
Ngwabi’s
case
reflects
precisely
that
orthodox
approach,
with
bail
granted
following
a
prosecution
concession
and
without
the
court
identifying
extraordinary
risks.

While
no
allegations
of
interference
appear
in
the
court
papers,
individuals
familiar
with
the
matter
allege
that
Marconati’s
continued
detention
may
benefit
powerful
business
and
political
interests
seeking
leverage
over
his
gold
mining
operations
in
Inyathi
and
Bubi
districts
in
Matabeleland
North.

Marconati’s
other
business
footprint
includes
Eagle
Italian
Shoes,
Eagle
Italian
Leather,
a
lodge
in
Mana
Pools,
and
a
company
called
Strengthened
Investments.
His
companies
have
previously
supplied
the
Zimbabwe
National
Army,
including
boots.

None
of
these
commercial
realities
featured
in
the
bail
rulings,
yet
they
form
the
backdrop
to
what
many
describe
as
an
extraordinary
legal
outcome.

“The
optics
are
terrible,”
said
one
 lawyer.
“When
the
state
itself
says
bail
should
be
granted,
and
the
court
refuses
anyway,
while
freeing
the
alleged
shooter,
public
confidence
inevitably
suffers.”

ZimLive
understands
one
of
President
Emmerson
Mnangagwa’s
sons
has
formed
an
alliance
with
Marconati’s
former
girlfriend
and
ex-business
partner,
Li
Song,
to
elbow
the
Italian
out
of
his
mines
in
Matabeleland
North.

Song,
a
Chinese
national
and
controversial
figure,
was
once
reported
to
have
been
deported
from
the
country
after
she
was
linked
to
poaching
syndicates
using
cyanide,
but
she
maintains
strong
links
with
powerful
actors
in
the
Zimbabwean
state.

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