Morning Docket: 11.05.25 – Above the Law

*
It’s
tariffs
day
at
the
Supreme
Court!
While
some
wonder
if
the
liberal
justices
will
find
themselves
awkwardly
embracing
non-delegation
arguments,
maybe
the
textualists
on
the
other
side
can
just
focus
on
the
statute
not
including

the
word

“tariff”
and
leave
it
at
that.
[Bloomberg
Law
News
]

*
Judge
Ho
wants
the
Fifth
Circuit
to
make
it
easier
for
companies
to
scam
the
government.
[Reuters]

*
Alito
freaks
out
over
the
suggestion
that
Scalia’s
brand
of
textualism
was
mostly
for
show.
[Balls
and
Strikes
]

*
Multiple
firms
involved
in
effort
to
make
Denny’s
go
private.
Because
nothing
says
Denny’s
like
five
people
fighting
over
how
to
split
the
check
at
the
end.
[Law360]

*
Dechert
goes
to
4-days
in
office.
[Legal
Intelligencer
]

*
Is
AI
an
honor
code
violation?
Hm.
Hey,
ChatGPT,
“Is
AI
an
honor
code
violation?”
[ABA
Journal
]

*
Founding
law
firm
partner
pushed
out
over
“use
of
private
jets
and
yachts.”
The
Brits
are
so
weird…
over
here
that
just
makes
him
the
perfect

pick
to
run
the
FBI
.
[Times
of
London
]

Aimless And Considering Law School? – See Also – Above the Law

The
Daily
Show
Open
Has
A
Career
Suggestion:
And
we
follow
it
up
with
a
couple
disclaimers.
ChatGPT
Is
No
Harvey:
Kim
Kardashian’s
ChatGPT
legal
queries
had
some
infuriating
results.
At
The
Cutting
Edge
Of
AI
And
DEI:
Davis
Wright
Tremaine
Managing
Partner
Jaime
Drozd
drops
some
gems.
Who
Knew
The
Richest
Could
Be
That
Unlikable?:
Kirkland
&
Ellis
faced
some
unwanted
feedback
from
private
equity
groups.
Idiot
Sandwich
As
A
Legal
Strategy:
The
sandwich
was
so
powerful
that
even
the
ballistic
vest
couldn’t
stop
the
smell
of
mustard.

Care For A Beer With That Ballot? – Above the Law



Ed.
Note:

Welcome
to
our
daily
feature

Trivia
Question
of
the
Day!


Which
was
the
last
state
to
lift
the
ban
on
alcohol
sales
on
Election
Day?


Hint:
The
Election
Day
ban
on
alcohol
sales
started
in
the
mid-1880s
and
was
intended
to
discourage
bribery
at
the
polls
(a
long-standing
U.S.
tradition

dating
back
to
George
Washington
),
but
wasn’t
lifted
until
2014.



See the
answer
on
the
next
page.

Judge Resigns From Bench Over Traffic Tickets – Above the Law

(Image
via
Getty)

What
is
the
most
you’ve
paid
for
a
traffic
ticket?
Getting
a
traffic
ticket
in
New
York
usually
sets
folks
back
a
couple
hundred
bucks.
However,
there
are
some
outliers:
a
traffic
ticket
cost
a
New
York
judge
his
robes.
Law.com
has
coverage:

A
western
New
York
jurist
has
resigned
amid
a
probe
that
he
tried
to
invoke
his
judicial
office
to
avoid
being
issued
tickets
for
unlicensed
driving,
a
state
watchdog
said
Monday.
Former
Clarkson
Town
Court
Justice
Ian
Penders,
an
attorney
since
2014,
quit
the
bench
amid
the
New
York
State
Commission
on
Judicial
Conduct’s
investigation.

The
CJC
said
the
judge
in
Monroe
County
had
been
stopped
by
police
twice
in
June,
and
on
Aug.
15
pleaded
guilty
to
the
misdemeanor
charge
of
aggravated
unlicensed
operation
of
a
motor
vehicle
in
the
third
degree.

You
got
stopped
twice?
Learn
to
quit
while
you’re
behind,
man.

While
this
isn’t
an
excuse
for
the
former
judge’s
behavior,
it
goes
to
show
that
location
really
matters.
Were
the
judge
trying
to
get
around
New
York
City
proper,
he
probably
would
have
been
able
to
catch
a
train
or
three
to
get
where
he
needed
to
go.
Once
you
leave
the
five
boroughs
and
actually
need
a
car
to
get
around,
you
open
yourself
up
to
all
sorts
of
foolishness.

While
this
is
definitely
one
of
the
tamest

Judges
Behaving
Badly

stories
I’ve
ever
seen,
the
threshold
for
the
appearance
of
impropriety
is
very
low
at
the
end
of
the
day.
If
you
don
the
robes
and
gavel,
you
have
to
be
on
your
best
behavior

even
when
you’re
just
getting
from
A
to
B.


Western
NY
Judge
Resigns
After
Invoking
Office
in
Attempt
to
Avoid
Traffic
Ticket,
Judicial
Conduct
Watchdog
Says

[Law.com]



Chris
Williams
became
a
social
media
manager
and
assistant
editor
for
Above
the
Law
in
June
2021.
Prior
to
joining
the
staff,
he
moonlighted
as
a
minor
Memelord™
in
the
Facebook
group Law
School
Memes
for
Edgy
T14s
.
 He
endured
Missouri
long
enough
to
graduate
from
Washington
University
in
St.
Louis
School
of
Law.
He
is
a
former
boatbuilder
who
is
learning
to
swim, is
interested
in
critical
race
theory,
philosophy,
and
humor,
and
has
a
love
for
cycling
that
occasionally
annoys
his
peers.
You
can
reach
him
by
email
at [email protected]
and
by
tweet
at @WritesForRent.

Kim Kardashian Was ‘Channeling’ Her Own Divorce Lawyer In Her New TV Role – Above the Law

Kim
Kardashian
(Photo
by
Dave
Benett/Getty
Images
for
Disney+)



Ed.
note
:
Welcome
to
our
daily
feature,

Quote
of
the
Day
.


Yes.
The
inspiration
was
Laura
Wasser,
who
is
a
two-time
Kim
K.
divorce
attorney.
I
was
channeling
her.
I
was
inspired
by
my
own
divorce
attorney.






Kim
Kardashian
,
who
stars
in

Hulu’s
“All’s
Fair”

as
Allura
Grant,

a
divorce
lawyer
who’s
getting
a
divorce,
in
response
to
a
question
posed
by

Teyana
Taylor
,
who
is
also
featured
on
the
show,
as
to
whether
Kardashian

pulled
from
any
personal
experience

when
she
was
building
your
character
.
She
went
on
to
say
that
her
character
on
the
show
would
have
made
a
good
divorce
lawyer
for
herself
in
real
life.





Staci
Zaretsky
 is
the
managing
editor
of
Above
the
Law,
where
she’s
worked
since
2011.
She’d
love
to
hear
from
you,
so
please
feel
free
to

email

her
with
any
tips,
questions,
comments,
or
critiques.
You
can
follow
her
on BlueskyX/Twitter,
and Threads, or
connect
with
her
on LinkedIn.

Are Kirkland Deal Lawyers THE Biggest Assh*les Or What? – Above the Law

Kirkland
&
Ellis

the
world’s
richest
law
firm

has
received
some
harsh
and
pretty
public
feedback.
According
to

reporting
from
the
Financial
Times
,
last
year,
during
a
limited
partners
industry
event
hosted
by
Institutional
Limited
Partners
Association,
attendees
were
asked
if
they
could
“wave
a
magic
wand,” what
would
they
change
about
private
equity
groups?
Amongst
the
suggestions
for
industry
improvement:
“Fire
K&E.”

Yikes.

Apparently
the
firm’s
“uncooperative”
behavior
is
well
known
in
PE
circles,
as
is
their
penchant
for
rejecting
investor
proposals
with
little
more
than
a
“We
respectfully
decline.”

But
K&E
is
taking
the
less-than-constructive
feedback
in
stride
and
trying
to
right
the
ship
and
smooth
over
their
relationships
with
fund
investors.
They
hired a
senior
director
of
global
fund
partnerships,
Greg
Durst,
a
former
senior
managing
director
from
ILPA,
to
“strengthen
the
firm’s
relationships”
with
fund
investors.

There’s
also
the
matter
of
etiquette,
and
K&E
embarked
upon
communication
training
for
attorneys
to
push
back
against
their
rep
for
being
difficult.
The
firm
has
also
reportedly
banned
its
attorneys
from
using
the
irksome
phrase
“We
respectfully
decline.”

A
spokesperson
for
Kirkland
said,
“Our
firm
values
the
relationships
we
have
built
within
the
funds
industry,
and
we
are
proud
of
the
trusted
counsel
and
advocacy
our
lawyers
provide
to
clients
as
they
build
partnerships
with
their
investors.”

“We
continue
to
evolve
our
business,
collaborate
with
our
counterparts,
and
provide
strong
support
for
our
clients,
including
in
the
relationships
with
their
investors,
as
market
dynamics
shift
in
the
fund
formation
process,”
they
continued.

Now,
are
the
K&E
attorneys

really

that
much
more
combative
that
others
in
the
PE
space?
Eh,
opinions
are
mixed
with
some
fund
investors
saying
the
firm
is
no
harsher
than
other
Biglaw
attorneys
and
it’s
Kirkland
&
Ellis’s
dominant
position
in
the
industry
that
makes
their
actions
a
lightening
rod.




Kathryn
Rubino
is
a
Senior
Editor
at
Above
the
Law,
host
of

The
Jabot
podcast
,
and
co-host
of

Thinking
Like
A
Lawyer
.
AtL
tipsters
are
the
best,
so
please
connect
with
her.
Feel
free
to
email

her

with
any
tips,
questions,
or
comments
and
follow
her
on
Twitter

@Kathryn1
 or
Mastodon

@[email protected].

‘I Could Smell The Onions And Mustard,’ The Harrowing Testimony Of The Border Patrol Sandwich Victim – Above the Law

Before
the
Portland
inflatable
frog,
there
was
the
D.C.
Sandwich
Guy.
Sean
Dunn,
a
Department
of
Justice
paralegal,
became
a
symbol
of
resistance
for
flinging
his
Subway
sandwich
at
a
Customs
and
Border
Patrol
agent,
Greg
Lairmore,
occupying
D.C.
as
part
of
the
Trump
administration’s
martial
law
test
run.

Dunn
lost
his
job
with
the
DOJ
,
but

avoided
indictment

when
the
grand
jury
responded
with
a
no
bill
issued
between
fits
of
laughter.
This
allowed
every
lawyer
in
America
to
collectively
make
a
crack
about
being
able
to
indict
a
ham
sandwich
as
the
nation
groaned
from
an
overdose
of
lawyer
dad
joke
energy.

But
the
Trump
administration
had
piled
too
much
onto
this
case
to
let
it
go

including
a
bizarre
hype
video
about
arresting
Dunn
as
though
he
was
the
Zodiac
killer
and
not
“guy
who
threw
some
bread.”
And
so
they’ve
moved
forward
with
a
misdemeanor
charge.

Because
if
they
thought
earning
a
no
bill
was
an
embarrassment,
why
not
test
your
luck
with
a
12
Angry
D.C.
citizens?

In
the
intervening
months,
did
you
take
a
second
to
consider
what
the
testimony
would
sound
like
in
a
trial
about
criminally
charging
someone
for
tossing
a
sandwich?
Because
you
know
who

didn’t

think
about
that:
the
Department
of
Justice.
That
trial
began
today

the
day
after
National
Sandwich
Day,
mind
you

and
the
testimony
did
not
disappoint.

A
Huffington
Post
reporter
covered
the
proceedings.

Border
Patrol
agent
Lairmore
testifies
that
he
was
not
injured
by
the
sandwich,
but
he
felt
the
impact
through
his
ballistic
vest.The
sandwich
came
apart
and
“kind
of
exploded”
on
his
chest
upon
impact,
he
says.”I
could
smell
the
onions
and
mustard.”



Dave
Jamieson
(@jamieson.bsky.social)


2025-11-04T15:32:59.929Z

Slow
violin
music,
“My
dearest
Emily,
me
and
the
boys
took
hell
this
morning.
Sandwiches
everywhere.
I
scarcely
believe
I
can
eat
mustard
again.”

The
prosecution
has
an
overarching
strategy
to
litter
the
proceedings
with
more
deadly
sounding
jargon.
Responding
to
the
motion
to
dismiss,
prosecutors
said
Dunn
was
“recorded
throwing
a
sandwich
at
a
federal
officer
at
point-blank
range”
suggesting
sandwiches
become
especially
deadly
at
some
specific
distance.
In
line
with
this
effort
to
drum
up
testimony
that
sounded
ominous
without
being
a
blatant
lie,
the
trial
prep
clearly
landed
on
the
phrase
“kind
of
exploded”
to
help
dupe
jurors
into
thinking
this
was
an
IED
in
Fallujah
and
not
a
$5
footlong
on
U
street.

Shady,
but
nonetheless
competent
work.
While
they
were
high-fiving
over
this
rhetorical
coup,
I
want
to
believe
Lairmore
said,
“Oh,
I
also
could
smell
the
onions
and
mustard…
should
I
tell
the
jury
that?”
and
the
prosecutors
shrugged
and
said,
“Sure,
knock
yourself
out.”

If
mustard
is
spicy
enough,
it
can
burn.
Not
like
napalm,
but…
it
might
clear
your
sinuses.
Does
that
matter
in
this
case?
George
Conway
weighs
in:

If
you
thought
this
would
mark
the
end
of
the
embarrassingly
stupid
testimony,
you
would
be
wrong.
The
defense
got
an
opportunity
to
cross-examine
the
witness
and
tried
using
a
photograph
to
refresh
his
recollection.

Or
should
I
say
“re-Eat
fresh
his
recollection?”
I
shouldn’t.

Defense
is
now
questioning
Lairmore
on
cross-examination.
They
show
a
video
still
of
the
sandwich
and
wrapper
on
the
ground,
post-throw.”Do
you
recognize
that
sandwich?”
the
attorney
asks.Lairmore
won’t
confirm.
“I
did
not
go
back
to
collect
it,”
he
says.



Dave
Jamieson
(@jamieson.bsky.social)


2025-11-04T15:58:02.592Z

Cue
it
up…

So
much
for
the
chain
of
custody.

It’s
an
important
line
of
questioning,
because
to
the
extent
the
prosecution
slapped
themselves
on
the
back
for
describing
the
sandwich
as
“exploded,”
the
photographic
evidence
suggests
the
Sandwich
Artists
over
at
Subway
did
a
much
better
job
than
the
government
would
have
you
believe.

The
defense
team
presses
Lairmore
on
whether
the
sandwich
really
‘exploded.’
They
return
to
the
photo
of
the
sandwich
and
wrapper
on
the
ground.”That
sandwich
hasn’t
exploded
at
all,
has
it?”
defense
asks.”It
looks
like
a
little
bit
is
coming
out
towards
the
bottom,”
Lairmore
replies.



Dave
Jamieson
(@jamieson.bsky.social)


2025-11-04T16:37:31.334Z

No,
that’s
superior
wrapping
and
excellent
sticky
condiment
distribution.

Over
the
objection
of
the
prosecution,
the
defense
also
dug
into
how
Lairmore
has
managed
to
move
on
after
his
brush
with
flavor.
Truly
a
grim
tale
of
anguish
and
shock.

Lairmore
testifies
that
other
agents
gave
him
a
plush
sandwich
toy,
which
he
placed
on
the
shelf
in
his
office,
and
a
patch
that
said
“Felony
Footlong,”
which
he
put
on
his
lunch
box.Lairmore
has
chuckled
with
the
rest
of
us
at
times.
Defense
really
trying
to
underscore
the
unseriousness
of
it
all



Dave
Jamieson
(@jamieson.bsky.social)


2025-11-04T16:45:08.070Z

That
certainly
doesn’t
sound
like
an
officer
suffering
from
a
vicious
assault.
But
PTSD
can
manifest
in
different
ways.
Hopefully,
he’s
not
moving
to
any
small
Pacific
Northwest
towns
any
time
soon.
And
if
he
does…
let’s
just
hope
it’s
a
Jimmy
John’s
town.




HeadshotJoe
Patrice
 is
a
senior
editor
at
Above
the
Law
and
co-host
of

Thinking
Like
A
Lawyer
.
Feel
free
to email
any
tips,
questions,
or
comments.
Follow
him
on Twitter or

Bluesky

if
you’re
interested
in
law,
politics,
and
a
healthy
dose
of
college
sports
news.
Joe
also
serves
as
a

Managing
Director
at
RPN
Executive
Search
.

SA High Court bans Operation Dudula from harassing foreign nationals

The
court
also
delivered
a
profound
reinterpretation
of
immigration
enforcement
powers,
affirming
that
the
rights
to
dignity
and
privacy
apply
to
“everyone”
within
South
Africa’s
borders,
irrespective
of
citizenship.

The
judgment,
by
Judge
Leicester
Rock
Adams,
followed
an
application
by
associations
who
promote
and
fight
for
human
rights
in
general
and
for
the
individual
rights
of
their
members

Kopanang
Africa
Against
Xenophobia,
the
South
African
Informal
Traders
Forum,
the
Inner
City
Federation
and
the
Abahlali
Basemjondolo
Movement.

These
civic
groups
sought
relief
against
Operation
Dudula,
its
leaders,
and
various
government
departments
for
their
roles
in,
or
failure
to
curb,
a
persistent
campaign
of
xenophobic
violence
and
intimidation.

The
applicants
sought
to
stop
Operation
Dudula’s
“pattern
of
unlawful
conduct,”
which
they
argued
violated
the
Constitution.

Such
conduct
is
alleged
to
include:
intimidation,
harassment
and
assault
of
foreigners,
making
of
public
statements
that
constitute
hate
speech,
wearing
apparel
that
closely
resembles
the
official
uniforms
of
the
security
forces,
interfering
with
public
access
to
and
the
public’s
right
to
access
health
care
services,
interfering
with
access
to,
or
the
operations
of,
schools
or
harassing
learners,
teachers
or
parents,
unlawfully
evicting
people
from
their
homes
and
unlawfully
removing
informal
traders
from
their
stalls
or
interfering
with
the
employment
of
persons
in
shops
and
businesses.

They
also
asked
the
court
to
compel
the
government
to
implement
its
own
National
Action
Plan
(NAP)
to
combat
xenophobia
and
to
clarify
that
the
powers
granted
by
Section
41
of
the
Immigration
Act
are
not
a
licence
for
warrantless
raids
and
arbitrary
ID
checks.

Judge
Adams
found
overwhelmingly
in
the
applicants’
favour
on
the
core
issues,
declaring
that
“only
an
immigration
officer
or
a
police
officer
has
the
power
in
terms
of
Section
41
of
the
Immigration
Act
13
of
2002
to
demand
that
another
private
person
produce
her
/
his
passport
or
other
identity
documents…
and
that
no
private
person
has
the
power
to
do
so
unless
expressly
so
authorised
by
law.”

Consequently,
Operation
Dudula,
along
with
its
members
Zandile
Dabula
and
Dan
Radebe,
were
“interdicted
and
restrained
from
demanding
that
any
private
person
produce
her
/
his
passport
or
other
identity
documents
to
demonstrate
her
/
his
right
to
be
in
the
Republic.”

The
final
order
goes
much
further,
prohibiting
Operation
Dudula
from:

“Intimidating,
harassing
and/or
assaulting
any
individuals
that
they
identify
as
being
foreign
nationals,

“Making
public
statements
that
constitute
hate
speech
on
the
grounds
of
nationality,
social
origin
or
ethnicity;”

“Interfering
with
the
access
of
foreign
nationals
to
health
care
services;”

“Interfering
with
access
to,
or
the
operations
of,
schools
and
intimidating
or
harassing
learners,
teachers
or
parents;”

“Unlawfully
evicting
foreign
nationals
from
their
homes;”
and
“Unlawfully
removing
foreign
nationals
from
their
trading
stalls.”

In
his
reasoning,
Judge
Adams
detailed
a
sustained
pattern
of
activity
by
Operation
Dudula,
which
included
the
incitement
that
led
to
the
murder
of
Elvis
Nyathi
in
Diepsloot
in
2022,
violent
raids
on
buildings
in
Johannesburg,
attacks
on
informal
traders
and
blockades
of
healthcare
facilities
that
forced
pregnant
women
to
give
birth
at
home.

“The
undisputed
evidence
before
me
indicates
that
since
2021
Operation
Dudula
has
emerged
as
one
of
the
most
visible
and
violent
proponents
of
xenophobia,
targeting
foreign
nationals
and
those
perceived
to
be
foreign,”
said
the
judge.

“Operation
Dudula
has
also
targeted
public
healthcare
facilities,
using
threats
and
violence
to
prevent
foreign
nationals
from
accessing
healthcare.
In
August
and
September
2022,
Operation
Dudula
picketed
outside
the
Kalafong
Hospital
and
the
Hillbrow
clinic,
refusing
access
to
those
they
deemed
to
be
foreign
nationals.

“During
January
2023,
Operation
Dudula
picketed
at
the
Jeppe
Clinic,
resulting
in
many
patients
being
turned
away,
including
pregnant
women.
As
a
result,
at
least
two
women
were
forced
to
give
birth
at
home,
without
any
proper
health
care.”

“Operation
Dudula
has
also
targeted
schools,
demanding
the
removal
of
non-South
African
teachers
and
undocumented
learners.
Operation
Dudula’s
conduct
resulted
in
the
permanent
closure
of
at
least
one
school
in
Jeppestown,
which
had
300
learners
and
40
staff.
The
school
was
forced
to
close
after
concluding
that
it
could
not
guarantee
the
safety
of
its
staff
and
learners,
following
threats
by
Operation
Dudula
and
the
intimidation
of
its
employees.”

Judge
Adams
said
Operation
Dudula
and
its
members
have
engaged
in
violent
and
unlawful
activities
across
the
Gauteng
Province,
whose
“undisputed
and
uncontested
evidence”
is
extensively
documented
by
the
applicants
with
over
30
supporting
and
confirmatory
affidavits
from
victims
and
witnesses.

“The
aforegoing
incidents
follow
a
common
pattern,
revealing
a
modus
operandi.
It
routinely
incites
hatred
against
foreign
nationals
on
public
platforms,
particularly
through
social
media,
blaming
foreigners
for
all
manner
of
social
ills.
It
then
leads
unauthorised
gatherings
and
raids
directed
at
threatening
and
harassing
foreign
nationals
and
those
who
are
perceived
to
be
foreign.”

The
judge
anchored
his
judgment
in
constitutional
principles,
quoting
South
Africa’s
Constitutional
Court
where
the
rights
to
privacy
and
dignity
in
the
Constitution
attach
to
‘everyone’
and
not
just
to
citizens.

“Human
dignity
has
no
nationality,”
he
said.

Judge
Adams
also
directed
the
South
African
government
“to
take
all
reasonable
measures
to
combat
xenophobia,
racism
and
related
forms
of
unfair
discrimination”
in
line
with
its
constitutional
and
international
law
obligations.

“That
commitment
is
reflected
in
the
NAP,
referenced
supra
and
which
was
adopted
and
approved
by
Cabinet
on
28
February
2019
and
formally
launched
on
25
March
2019.
This
Plan
expressly
seeks
to
give
effect
to
South
Africa’s
commitments
under
the
2002
Durban
Declaration
and
Programme
of
Action.
The
government
has
also
adopted
a
National
Action
Plan
Implementation
Plan,
representing
the
steps
to
be
taken
to
implement
the
National
Action
Plan
over
a
five-year
period
from
2019/2020
to
2023/2024.”

In
a
crucial
part
of
the
ruling,
the
court
provided
a
binding,
constitutional
interpretation
of
Section
41
of
the
Immigration
Act,
frequently
used
by
the
South
African
Police
Service
(SAPS)
and
the
Department
of
Home
Affairs
(DHA)
to
conduct
dragnet,
warrantless
raids
and
operations
in
public
streets,
as
well
as
in
private
homes
and
businesses.

“The
applicants,
with
a
view
to
ensuring
the
effective
protection
of
rights,
seek
declaratory
and
interdictory
relief,
confirming
that
the
s
41
powers
may
not
be
exercised
by
private
individuals,
other
than
police
officers
and
immigration
officials.
I
have
already
indicated
supra
that
the
applicants
are
entitled
to
such
a
declaratory
order
for
the
reasons
alluded
to
above.”

Judge
Adams
declared
that
the
powers
conferred
by
this
section:

“are
confined
to
public
places
and
do
not
authorise
warrantless
searches
in
private
places
that
include
the
home
and
places
of
study,
work
or
business;”

“require
that
an
immigration
officer
or
police
officer
hold
a
reasonable
suspicion
that
a
person
is
unlawfully
in
South
Africa
in
order
to
request
them
to
identify
themselves;”
and

“do
not
permit
the
interrogation,
arrest
and
detention
of
children
under
the
age
of
18,
except
as
a
measure
of
last
resort.”

However,
the
court
did
not
grant
all
the
relief
sought,
finding
that
the
applicants
had
“failed
to
present
credible
evidence”
to
support
their
claim
that
the
SAPS
and
DHA
actively
supported
or
colluded
with
Operation
Dudula.

“Applicants’
claim
that
the
SAPS
and
the
DHA
support
or
collude
with
Operation
Dudula
not
accepted

interdictory
and
declaratory
relief
sought
in
that
regard
not
granted
by
the
court

held
that
the
applicants
have
failed
to
present
credible
evidence
in
support
of
the
claim,”
Judge
Adams
said.

The
judge
also
declined
to
declare
that
the
SAPS
had
systemically
breached
its
constitutional
duties,
noting
that
while
there
were
individual
failures,
the
police
had,
in
several
instances,
investigated
complaints
and
opened
dockets.

Since
interdictory
relief
was
granted,
Operation
Dudula
and
the
government
respondents
were
also
hit
with
costs.

South
Africa
has
experienced
successive
waves
of
xenophobic
violence
in
the
last
two
decades
with
Judge
Adams
quoting
a
report
by
an
independent
monitor,
Xenowatch,
which
found
that
from
2008
to
2021,
xenophobic
violence
had
resulted
in
at
least
612
deaths,
the
displacement
of
122
298
persons
and
looting
or
damage
to
6
306
shops
or
properties.

“The
report
notes
that
‘Gauteng
is
by
far
the
most
affected
by
the
violence,”
said
Judge
Adams.

“With
329
incidents,
it
accounts
for
almost
40
percent
of
all
incidents
recorded
in
the
county’.
These
figures
are
likely
a
significant
underestimation
due,
in
large
part,
to
reluctance
on
the
part
of
victims
to
report
criminal
conduct,
out
of
fear
of
further
victimisation
and
a
lack
of
confidence
in
the
state
authorities.

3 Questions For A Law School Admissions Expert (Part I) – Above the Law

(Image
via
Getty)

If
you
know
someone
who’s
applied
to
law
school
in
the
past
10
years,
it’s
likely
you’ve
heard
of

7Sage
.
They’ve
been
the
largest
source
for
LSAT
study
materials
since
developing
the
first
modern,
online-first
LSAT
course.
In
recent
years,
they’ve
added
in-person
classes
and
a
multimillion-dollar
tutoring
program
for
law
school
hopefuls.
As
readers
of
these

pages

know,
the
need
for
7Sage’s
services
is
booming,
commensurate
with
the
surge
in
law
school
applications
that
promises
to
make
the
2026
application
cycle
one
of
the
most
competitive
ever.
Considering
the
importance
of
the
LSAT
to
law
school
admissions,
I
have
no
doubt
that
the
benefit
of
LSAT
prep
is
of
critical
importance
to
many
applicants.
It
is
a
good
thing,
therefore,
that
LSAT
takers
have
many
options,
7Sage’s
offerings
included,
that
can
help
applicants
maximize
their
score.
Likewise,
for
those
with
the
financial
means
to
obtain
professional
help
in
crafting
their
applications,
services
like
7Sage’s
admissions
consulting
can
really
help
demystify
the
process

while
allowing
applicants
to
present
themselves
as
optimally
as
possible
to
law
schools.

Over
the
years,
I
have
been
in
a
position
to
offer

advice

to
aspiring
lawyers
considering
law
school.
Some
of
them
are
now
well-ensconced
at
various
firms
practicing
law
at
a
high
level.
At
the
same
time,
I
am
the
first
to
admit
that
I
am
not
an
expert
on
law
school
admissions.
But
that
doesn’t
mean
that
such
expertise
doesn’t
exist.
It
does.
Thankfully,
one
of
those
experts
has
agreed
to
share
their
knowledge
with
this
audience,
by
agreeing
to
sit
for
a
written
interview.
So
let’s
meet
our
interviewee
and
learn
what
we
can
about
the
fascinating
and
competitive
admissions
landscape
for
law
schools
as
we
head
into
2026.
(Before
we
do
so,
I
note
that
my
son
is
a
7Sage
client,
as
he
navigates
his
own
law
school
application
journey

a
journey
I
may
write
about
in
further
detail
from
a
lawyer
dad’s
perspective
in
a
future
column.)

Ethan
Madore
is
the
coordinator
of
7Sage’s
law
school
admissions
consulting
program,
where
he’s
helped
advance
their
data-driven
approach
to
understanding
law
schools’
decisions
about
the
make-up
of
their
incoming
class.
7Sage
tracks
and
analyzes
the
results
of
each
application
cycle.
They
have
an
in-house
simulation
of
an
admissions
office
at
a
top
law
school
staffed
with
former
admissions
officers
from
Yale,
Stanford,
and
Columbia.
Students
are
given
transcript
recordings
of
how
their
files
would
actually
be
discussed
behind
closed
doors,
then
work
with
professional
storytellers
and
former
admissions
officers
to
improve
their
outcomes
and
shape
winning
narratives.

In
short,
Ethan
and
his
team
use
every
tool
at
their
disposal
to
help
7Sage’s
clients
maximize
their
chances
of
admission.
But
their
impact
is
broader
than
that,
as
they
share
their
research
and
insights
via
7Sage’s
events
and
blog,
to
an
audience
far
larger
than
just
their
clients. 
As
usual,
I
have
added
some
brief
commentary
to
Ethan’s
answer
to
my
first
question
below,
but
have
otherwise
presented
his
answer
as
he
provided
it.


Gaston
Kroub:

How
have
law
school
admissions
changed
in
recent
years?


Ethan
Madore:

If
you’re
a
law
school
dean
trying
to
decide
the
composition
of
next
year’s
class,
you’re
actually
sitting
in
the
middle
of
several
cultural
shifts.
There
are
the
obvious
ones
like
the
conversations
about
DEI,
affirmative
action,
and
battle
between
top
universities
and
the
current
administration. 

But
there’s
also
something
significantly
larger.
Increasingly,
people
understand
that
an
undergraduate
degree
isn’t
a
reliable
ticket
into
the
professional
middle
class.
A
more
and
more
massive
number
of
people
are
applying
to
law
schools
who
have

never

considered
becoming
a
lawyer
before
last
year.
As
opportunities
in
government,
academia,
and
even
tech
dry
up,
law
school
looks
like
one
of
the
last
trains
leaving
the
station.

Essentially,
law
school
is
emerging
as
the
graduate-school
version
of
a
liberal
arts
degree

a
default
for
someone
with
a
faculty
for
language
who
wants
more
education
that
will
lead
to
a
good
job.
But
of
course,
this
isn’t
really
how
a
serious
law
school
dean
wants
their
institution
to
be
viewed.
There’s
an
obvious
mismatch
of
form
and
purpose.
And
there
are
more
and
more
law
students
who
probably,
in
their
heart
of
hearts,

don’t

want
to
be
lawyers.
That
means
much
more
scrutiny.

The
thing
to
emphasize
is
how
competitive
law
schools
have
become.
People
are
scrambling
to
get
a
hand
on
the
career
ladder.
As
of
today,
applications
are
up
32%
compared
to
where
they
were
last
year,
which
was
already
an
unprecedented
high-water
mark.
If
you
haven’t
in
a
while,
look
up
the
median
LSAT
and
GPA
at
your
alma
mater.
The
University
of
Alabama
Law
was
ranked
35th
this
year.
Their
median
GPA
was
a
3.95.
When
I
graduated
college,
our

valedictorian

only
had
a
3.89. 


GK
:
Ethan’s
point
about
how
competitive
law
school
admissions
have
become
will
certainly
ring
true
to
anyone
trying
to
navigate
the
current
cycle,
whether
on
the
law
school
or
applicant
side.
For
me,
his
point
about
how
law
school
attendance
may
be
an
option
of
last
resort
for
otherwise
capable
people
unable
to
find
productive
employment
in
other
fields
out
of
college
is
troubling.
We
all
know
that
law
schools
are
at
best
just
one
part
of
the
equation
of
turning
someone
into
a
functional
legal
professional

just
think
of
how
many
excellent
law
students
find
themselves
in
real
trouble,
real
quick,
once
they
start
practicing.
Add
in
the
fact
that
we
may
be
on
the
precipice
of
an
AI-driven
revolution
in
how
legal
services
are
delivered
to
clients
and
the
idea
that
a
measurable
number
of
future
lawyers
would
rather
be
doing
something
else
is
frightening. 

But
all
hope
is
not
lost.
We
can
hope
that
as
more
talented
folks
consider
a
career
in
law

and
law
schools
get
more
selective
in
who
they
bring
in

that
perhaps
will
usher
in
a
reinvigorated
era
of
legal
education
in
the
coming
years.
One
that
results
in
schools
graduating
students
more
prepared
than
ever
for
the
ethical,
intellectual,
and
professional
rigors
of
law
practice,
irrespective
of
the
area
of
law
that
the
young
lawyer
finds
themselves
pursuing. 

We
will
continue
with
Ethan’s
answers
to
questions
2
and
3
next
time,
which
will
center
on
both
his
work
crafting
winning
application
strategies
for
7Sage’s
clients,
as
well
as
his
thoughts
on
how
short-term
thinking
at
law
schools
impacts
applicants.
In
the
meantime,
feel
free
to
recommend
that
any
prospective
LSAT
takers
or
law
school
applicants
take
a
look
at
7Sage’s
offerings
to
see
if
they
might
be
a
fit.

Please
feel
free
to
send
comments
or
questions
to
me
at

[email protected]

or
via
Twitter:

@gkroub
.
Any
topic
suggestions
or
thoughts
are
most
welcome.




Gaston
Kroub
lives
in
Brooklyn
and
is
a
founding
partner
of 
Kroub,
Silbersher
&
Kolmykov
PLLC
,
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intellectual
property
litigation
boutique,
and 
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LLC
,
a
leading
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on
patent
issues
for
the
investment
community.
Gaston’s
practice
focuses
on
intellectual
property
litigation
and
related
counseling,
with
a
strong
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on
patent
matters.
You
can
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@gkroub.

Is the end of sanctions on Zimbabwe near?


The
publication
of a
US
congressional
bill
 to
guide
foreign
policy
on
September
11th
has
offered
hope
to
Zimbabweans
that
the
draconian
ZDERA
(the
Zimbabwe
Democracy
and
Economic
Recovery
Act,
2001
)
legislation
may
be
repealed.
This
could
see
the
end
of
one
of
the
last
formal
sanctions
on
Zimbabwe,
offering
hope
of
a
greater
rapprochement
with
Western
powers.
Can
this
lead
the
way
to
debt
and
arrears
clearance
and
new
flows
of
much-needed
international
financing?

Over
the
last
few
years,
the
formal
sanctions
by
the
US,
EU
and
UK
on
individuals
and
companies
have
been withdrawn
or
reduced
,
although
a
few
individuals
remain
under
global
financial
sanctions
due
to
accusations
of
corruption.
There
was
a
growing
sense
among
the
diplomatic
community
that
such
sanctions
had
little
effect
on
the
Zimbabwean
regime.
Indeed,
they
were
used
to
galvanise
support
for
the
ruling
party
who
were
able
to
rail
against
the
‘imperial
powers’
at
election
time.

Even
though
formal
sanctions
were
limited,
the
chilling
effect
of
poor
diplomatic
relations
on
international
investment
and
finance
flows,
both
private
and
through
the
international
banks,
has
had
a
devastating
impact
on
the
Zimbabwean
economy
over
a
quarter
of
a
century.
In a
recent
interview
economist
Prof
Gift
Mugano
,
highlighted
the
impacts
of
sanctions,
with
investment
flows
dropping
from
25%
of
GDP
to
1%
after
2001,
and
risk
premiums
increasing
dramatically,
putting
off
many.
The
so-called
look
east’
 policies
have
compensated
to
some
degree,
but
China
was
never
going
to
provide
the
sort
of
finance
that
could
be
sought
elsewhere,
and
most
support
was
closely
tied
to
minerals
and
infrastructure
investment
deals.

ZDERA
was
signed
into
law
in
2001
as
a
direct
result
of
the
land
reform.
It
was
different
to
other
sanctions,
as
it
could
only
be
reversed
through
changes
in
the
law,
hence
the
need
for
this
bill.
In
2021, the
US
Embassy
in
Zimbabwe
celebrated
ZDERA’s
10th anniversary
,
restating
the
array
of
measures.
Most
notable
was
the
requirement
that
the
US
was
obliged
by
law
to
avoid
engaging
with
the
International
Finance
Institutions
on
financing,
debt
and
arrears
restructuring
and
so
on.
A
whole
host
of
conditions
were
attached,
mostly
focused
on
governance
reforms.

That
ZDERA
was
peculiar
and
not
applied
to
other
countries
with
perhaps
even
more
dubious
track
records
has
often
been
pointed
out.
But
that’s
not
the
point,
the
lobby
groups
within
the
US
who
vociferously
backed
the
opposition
against
ZANU-PF
and
rejected
the
land
reform
were
very
powerful,
both
within
and
outside
Congress.


Changing
political
winds

So
why
the
changes
now?
There
is
a
growing
consensus
that
the
sanctions
have
had
no
effect
on
the
government
and
imposed
hardship
on
the
people,
squeezing
the
economy.
In
the
absence
of
an
organised
opposition,
prospects
for
change
are
most
likely
to
come
through
reengagement,
with
some
faction
or
other
of
the
ruling
party
potentially
pushing
for
change.
And
such
reengagement
may
be
most
likely
when
there
are
resources
flowing
with
prospects
of
improvements
in
living
standards.
Conditionality
will
not
disappear
of
course,
and
financial
sanctions
will
remain
on
individuals
governed
by
laws
on
corruption
internationally,
but
at
least
dialogue
can
be
re-established.

The
other
thing
that
has
changed
in
diplomatic
missions,
including
the
UK,
US
and
EU,
is
a
shift
away
from
‘aid’
towards
‘commerce’.
The
new
congressional
bill
is
sponsored
by Brian
Mast
,
a
Florida
Republican
and
chair
of
the
House
Foreign
Affairs
Committee.
It
is
a
wide-ranging
bill aiming
to
recast
the
US’s
relationships
globally
,
focusing
in
particular
on
‘American
interests’,
and
avoiding
what
he
terms
left-wing
interference
with
diplomatic
positions.
 It
has
a
section
on
‘commercial
diplomacy’
and
the
need
to
establish
business
and
trade
ties
with
Africa,
and
mention
of
Zimbabwe
and
ZDERA
is
hidden
away on
page
54
,
part
of
a
wider
effort
to
regear
US
international
engagement
under
President
Trump.

Meanwhile
the European
Union’s
Global
Gateway
 strategy
aims
to
secure
partnerships
in
a
range
of
sectors,
including
energy,
through
supporting
European
business
engagement
in
Africa
and
elsewhere.
Similarly,
the
UK
government
is
developing a
new
‘critical
minerals
strategy’
 and
the
Foreign
Commonwealth
and
Development
Office
(FCDO)
is
facilitating
commercial
deals
in
line
with
national
geopolitical
interests.
The
race
for
critical
minerals
is
on,
and
the
West
are
many
years
behind
the
Chinese,
especially
in
Zimbabwe.

The
calculation
is
clearly
that
Western
countries
need
to
catch
up,
and
to
do
so
will
require
leveraging
resources.
This
is
not
the
soft
diplomacy
of
aid
programmes
and
nice
projects
involving
NGOs,
and
support
for
health,
education
and
agriculture
programmes.
This
is
the
hard-nosed
commercial
reality,
with
access
to
critical
mineral
resources
being
top
of
the
agenda.
No
different
to
China
of
course,
but
different
to
the
past
‘aid’
era
for
sure.


Strings
attached:
a
link
to
the
compensation
of
white
farmers

Further
US
funding
following
the
removal
of
ZDERA
is
of
course
not
without
strings
attached,
as
discussed
in a
recent
‘Friday
drinks’
TV
show
.
The
sanctions
regimes
by
the
West
were
established
following
the
land
reform
in
2000
in
reaction
to
the
expropriation
of
land
from
white
farmers.
Thus,
in section
303b
,
the
bill
states
that
only
if
the
full
compensation
to
white
farmers

as
agreed
in the
Global
Compensation
Deed
signed
in
July
2020
 –
is
committed
to
within
12
months
will
US
support
for
a
deal
with
the
International
Financial
Institutions
continue.
According
to
the
bill,
such
future
compensation
payments
in
turn
must
be
in
in
US
dollars
and
not
treasury
bonds,
no
doubt
the
result
of
some
successful
lobbying
in
Washington
DC
by
a
faction
of
the
white
commercial
farmers
unhappy
with
the
agreed
terms
of
payment.
Given
that
the
agreed
total
amount
is
US$3.5
billion,
this
is
a
big
deal.

The
Zimbabwean
government
doesn’t
have
this
sort
of
money
of
course,
and
paying
commercial
farmers
at
this
level
in
cash
within
12
months
cannot
be
a
priority.
However,
the
government
remains
committed
to
compensation
payments.
US$3.1million
has
been
paid
in
cash
this
year,
with the
first
378
farmers
of
the
740
who
had
their
claims
approved
being
paid
in
April
.
Around
1300
farmers
accepted
a
deal
of
a
1%
advance
cash
payment
and
then
the
remained
of
the
agreed
compensation
amounts
for
farm
improvements
to
be
paid
over
10
years
in
US
denominated
Treasury
bonds.
In
addition, 94
BIPPA
(Bilateral
Investment
Promotion
and
Protection
Agreement)
farm
compensation
deals
have
been
approved
,
with
US$20
million
being
paid
out
of
a
total
of
US$146
million.
This
is
major
progress,
even
if
some
former
farmers
are
holding
out
for
a
better
deal.

Many
hoped
that
this
would
lead
to
a
thawing
of
relations
with
the
international
community
and
a
route
to
finalising
a
deal
on
debt
and
arrears.
If
ZDERA
is
repealed,
there
may
be
more
pressure
to
come
to
an
agreement
with
the
debtors.
However,
a
new
debt
and
arrears
restructuring
approach
must
define
how
the
$3.5
billion
can
be
paid
over
time,
and
the
new
bill’s
conditions
will
have
to
be
changed
in
line
with
this,
with
the
12-month
deadline
for
full
cash
payment
clearly
completely
unrealistic.


Bargaining
over
conditions
and
timeframes

Many
argue
that,
given
the
dire
economic
conditions
in
Zimbabwe,
spending
$3.5
billion
on
dispossessed
white
farmers
even
under
a
debt
and
arrears
restructuring
deal
is
a
step
too
far.
Many
former
farmers
have
left
the
country,
and
others
have
regeared
their
businesses
in
agriculture
to
make
money
upstream
from
production
on
the
land,
and
few
can
be
counted
in
the
ranks
of
the
poor.
This
is
an
extreme
case
of
‘reverse
reparations’,
some
say,
despite
the
constitutional
requirement
for compensation
for
improvements
to
land
 and
the
need
for
political
expediency
and
rapprochement
with
the
West.

Let’s
hope
that
the
bill
is
passed
and,
after
nearly
25
years
of
sanctions,
Zimbabwe
is
once
again
allowed
to
engage
with
the
US
and
international
financial
institutions.
I
am
sure
that
there
will
be
bargaining
over
the
conditions
and
timing
and
form
of
compensation
payments.
And
the
Zimbabwean
government
will
equally
have
to
be
serious
in
its
commitments
to
reforms
as
part
of
any
bargain.

There
are
many
urgent
priorities
that
renewed
international
finance
can
provide
funding
for.
The
challenge
of
rebuilding
the
core
infrastructure
of
Zimbabwe
is
huge,
not
least
the
sort
of
investments
that
must
be
part
of
a
sustained
agrarian
reform.
It
has
been
a
long
time
to
wait
and
so
many
opportunities
to
benefit
from
the
land
reform
have
been
missed
through
lack
of
post-redistribution
investment.


This
post
was
written
by Ian
Scoones
 and
first
appeared
on Zimbabweland
.

Post
published
in:

Agriculture