Author: TSA Press

At
the
end
of
August,
President
Ramaphosa
offered some
remarks at
the
Zimbabwe
Agricultural
Show
on
the
importance
of
land
reform.
The
comments
seemed
unremarkable.
He
said
that
land
reform
was
necessary
to
address
historical
injustices,
and
that
land
reform
can
deliver
important
benefits
for
those
who
have
been
excluded.
He
argued
that
investment
in
technology
and
infrastructure
to
support
agriculture
is
important. 
Nothing
remotely
controversial
there,
surely?

A
commitment
to
land
reform
is
of
course
central
to
national
policy
in
South
Africa,
as
was
again
highlighted
in a
speech
by
Minister
Mzwanele
Nyhontso
of
Land
Reform
and
Rural
Development at
the
recent Land,
Life
and
Society
conference in
Cape
Town.
He
noted
how
“land
reform
is
part
of
climate
justice,
food
justice,
and
social
justice,”
noting
that
“We
must
ensure
that
land
reform
is
not
reduced
to
narrow
market
transfers
but
is
about
the
redistribution
of
power,
resources,
and
dignity.”
He
committed
to
carrying
the
debates
in
the
conference
forward
to
the
forthcoming G20
discussions
in
South
Africa.
This
is
vitally
important
given
that
land
reform
is
so
central
to
the
summit
themes
of
solidarity,
equality
and
sustainability.

However,
as
soon
as
the
comments
were
uttered
in
Harare
in
August
all
hell
broke
loose
in
South
Africa,
with all
sorts
of
people –
mostly
associated
with
large-scale
farming
lobbies
–
objecting.
The
spokesperson
for
the
Democratic
Alliance, Willie
Aucamp,
notionally
part
of
the
government
of
national
unity,
was
outraged. The
FW
De
Klerk
Foundation
put
out
a statement cautioning
against
praising
Zimbabwe. A
prominent
agricultural
economist,
and
a
great
supporter
of
large-scale
commercial
farming,
argued
that
Zimbabwe’s
land
reform
was
a
failure
and
no
model
for
South
Africa.
And
academic
Twitter commentators from
the
UK
even
weighed
in.
The
reactions
were
nothing
short
of
hysterical.
The
idea
that
Zimbabwe
had
anything
to
offer
South
Africa
was
abhorrent!

Myths
and
realities

Nowhere
in
this
‘debate’
were
the
facts
about
Zimbabwe’s
land
reform
put
forward.
A
close
colleague
was
invited
onto
South
African
TV
to
offer
some
perspectives
from
our
research,
but
his
interview
was
never
broadcast.
It
didn’t
fit
the
narrative.
We
of
course
remember
all
this
from
the
early
2000s
in
Zimbabwe
when
the
reactions
to
Zimbabwe’s
land
reform
were
roundly
condemned
by
liberal
elites
both
in
South
Africa
and
elsewhere,
particularly
the
UK.
Emotion
overtook
facts,
and
in
the
early
days
there
was
limited
research
information
to
counter
these
well-trodden
narratives
about
the
‘catastrophe’
of
land
reform.
In
Zimbabwe,
this
has
happily
changed,
and
the
contributions
of
the Sam
Moyo
African
Institute
for
Agrarian
Studies amongst
many
others,
including
our
own
work
and
the
2010
book Zimbabwe’s
Land
Reform:
Myths
and
Realities,
has
provided
a
more
balanced
picture.
Not
all
positive
by
any
means,
but
with
important
lessons
–
including
for
South
Africa.

The
reaction
to
the 2024
Expropriation
Act in
South
Africa
has
elicited
so
many
similar
responses,
with
people
arguing
that
South
Africa
will
surely
follow
the
(assumed)
terrible
fate
of
Zimbabwe
if
it
is
followed.
The
humiliating
dressing
down
that
President
Ramaphosa
and
team
got
on their
visit
to
the
White
House was
focused
on
the
land
expropriation,
channelling
the
ire
of
Elon
Musk
and
his
white
relatives
and
friends
in
South
Africa.
The
bizarre
talk
of
‘white
genocide’
and
the
summary
removal
of
whites
from
their
land
had
no
relation
to
facts
and
the
photos
offered
to
the
visiting
South
Africans
included
ones
that
had
nothing
to
do
with
South
Africa.
Facts
don’t
matter
in
these
emotive
situations,
and
even
the
assembled
golfers
who
joined
the
visiting
mission
were
unable
to
offset
the
Trump
tirade.

As
more
sane
commentators
have
pointed
out,
the
Act
offers
only
a
limited
set
of
options
for
expropriation
without
compensation,
and
that
these
are
unlikely
to
be
applied
in
any
case.
Expropriation
by
the
state
for
public
purposes
and
in
the
public
interest
is
a
standard
route
in
all
countries
and
does
not
undermine
the
supposed
sanctity
of
private
property.
As
long
as
effectively
governed
by
land
law
and
associated
land
administration
measures,
then
such
an
approach
can
be
important
as
part
of
wider
state
planning
of
land
use.

Compensation
at
appropriate
levels
should
always
be
part
of
a
land
redistribution
programme.
Zimbabwe
for
example
has
this
enshrined
in
the
2013
Constitution
and
compensation
for
‘improvements’
(not
land)
has
been
agreed
and
indeed
has
been
paid
since
the
early
days
of
the
land
reform
under
President
Mugabe,
although
at
inadequate
levels.
Since
the
signing
of
the Global
Compensation
Deed in
July
2020,
in
Zimbabwe
a
total
amount
has
been
agreed
and
payments
are
being
made,
although
mechanisms
of
payment
are
still
be
wrangled
over.

Why
the
confusion?

So
why
these
reactions?
What
is
behind
them,
and
how
can
they
be
countered?
The
first
and
most
obvious
reason
is
that
political
interests
are
at
play.
Large-scale
white
farming
is
an
important
lobby
in
South
Africa
as
it
was
in
Zimbabwe,
with
significant
capital
behind
it
and
with
strong
political
connections,
stretching
to
international
capitals
and
legislatures.
The
forcefulness
of
some
who
argue
against
Zimbabwe’s
land
reform
in
the
UK
parliament,
for
example,
reflects
strong
connections
dating
back
to
colonial
land
ownership.

Second,
these
lobby
groups
reflect
racial
differences
and
the
legacy
of
apartheid
and
colonialism
–
even
if
sometimes
they
are
covered
by
black
faces;
those
Jacob
Zuma
called
the ‘clever
blacks.’ That
land,
race
and
colonial
history
are
deeply
entwined
in
the
former
settler
economies
of
southern
Africa
is
undeniable.
That
its
resonances
exist
today
is
clearly
apparent
in
these
debates.

Third,
there
are
certain
assumptions
so
deeply
embedded
in
cultural
psyches
that
they
are
difficult
to
dislodge.
The
most
prominent
of
these
is
the
idea
of
the
primacy
of
private
property
rights
with freehold
title as
the
only
route
to
tenure
security,
investment
and
economic
growth.
And,
in
a
linked
equally
strong
narrative,
that large-scale
farms are
the
only
ones
that
are
viable.
That
such
assumptions
have
been
debunked
by
international
research
over
so
many
decades
doesn’t
seem
to
matter;
it
is
an
article
of
faith.
In
South
Africa,
the
‘property
rights
clause’
is
like
the
Second
Amendment
in
the
US,
and
the
right
to
bear
arms.

Why
evidence-based
research
remains
important

Can
we
ever
get
over
these
blockages
to
progressive
land
reform?
I
sometimes
wonder,
when
you
encounter
these
occasional
outbursts.
My
commitment
–
along
with
many,
many
others
–
is
to
continue
to
do
research
to
challenge
the
myths,
to
develop
evidence-based
alternative
narratives
and
provide
policymakers
and
others
the
tools
to
make
different
arguments.
Not
easy
and
frequently
frustrating,
but
‘aluta
continua’
as
the
saying
goes!

This
post
was
written
by Ian
Scoones and
first
appeared
on Zimbabweland.

Photo
credits:
South
African
presidency,
flickr

Post
published
in:

Agriculture

HARARE
–
The
National
Bakers
Association
of
Zimbabwe
(NBAZ)
has
warned
that
plans
to
increase
the
price
of
bread
flour
will
push
the
retail
price
of
bread
above
the
symbolic
US$1
mark,
worsening
the
cost
of
living
crisis
for
millions
of
urban
households.

In
a
letter
to
industry
and
commerce
minister
Mangaliso
Ndlovu
dated
October
24,
NBAZ
president
Elvis
Ncube
said
bakers
were
alarmed
by
a
proposal
from
the
Grain
Millers
Association
of
Zimbabwe
(GMAZ)
to
raise
the
cost
of
bread
flour
by
four
percent.

Ncube
said
flour
already
accounts
for
about
43
percent
of
total
bread
production
costs,
and
the
proposed
hike
would
immediately
add
two
cents
to
the
cost
of
producing
each
loaf,
forcing
a
corresponding
increase
in
the
wholesale
price.

“The
sector
does
not
have
the
capacity
to
absorb
any
further
increases
in
input
costs
without
compromising
business
viability,”
Ncube
wrote.

“If
a
four
percent
increase
in
bread
flour
is
permitted,
it
will
translate
to
a
two-cent
rise
per
loaf,
effective
the
same
day
the
flour
price
goes
up.”

Bread
is
Zimbabwe’s
second
most
important
food
item
after
maize
meal,
used
to
cook
sadza/isitshwala,
and
serves
as
a
daily
staple
in
most
urban
homes.

The
bakers’
association
said
since
January
2024,
the
industry
had
absorbed
significant
cost
pressures
—
particularly
following
the
government’s
decision
to
reclassify
bread
from
zero-rated
to
tax-exempt
under
value-added
tax
(VAT)
rules.
That
change
prevented
bakers
from
claiming
VAT
refunds
on
inputs,
eroding
already
thin
margins.

Despite
rising
costs
of
fuel,
packaging,
electricity,
and
distribution,
Ncube
noted,
bakers
had
kept
the
wholesale
bread
price
unchanged
for
most
of
2024
and
2025.

The
latest
flour
price
proposal,
he
warned,
would
trigger
a
five-cent
pass-through
effect
per
loaf
at
retail
level,
likely
pushing
the
price
of
bread
above
the
US$1
threshold
from
November
1,
2025.

“We
remain
hopeful
that
the
undesirable
effects
of
such
an
increase
can
still
be
averted,”
Ncube
said,
appealing
to
the
government
to
intervene.

If
approved,
the
flour
price
hike
would
mark
another
blow
for
consumers
already
grappling
with
rising
prices
of
basics
and
frequent
currency
volatility.

HARARE
–
Nigerian
billionaire
Aliko
Dangote
is
expected
in
Zimbabwe
in
mid-November
after
approving
a
package
of
investments
in
cement,
coal
and
power
generation
worth
about
US$1
billion,
the
government
said
on
Monday.

A
delegation
from
local
financial
services
firm
Bard
Santner,
which
will
structure
the
deals,
was
in
Nigeria
on
Monday
laying
the
groundwork
for
the
visit.

Paul
Tungwarara,
President
Emmerson
Mnangagwa’s
investment
adviser,
told
journalists
that
preparations
were
underway
for
meetings
between
Mnangagwa
and
the
petroleum
tycoon.

“The
richest
man
in
Africa
is
coming
to
Zimbabwe
at
the
invitation
of
President
Mnangagwa,”
Tungwarara
said.
“The
two
have
been
in
constant
communication
and
we
are
presently
working
on
the
logistical
aspects
of
the
visit.

“We
are
keen
to
ensure
that
he
makes
a
significant
investment
in
Zimbabwe
and
avoid
what
happened
during
his
previous
visit
in
2015,
when
he
came
but
did
not
return.”

Dangote’s
2015
visit
ended
inconclusively
amid
reports
that
a
cabinet
minister
solicited
a
bribe,
angering
the
businessman.

Journalist
and
business
adviser
Josephine
Mahachi
is
believed
to
have
played
a
key
role
in
facilitating
Dangote’s
renewed
interest
in
Zimbabwe.

The
68-year-old
industrialist,
worth
an
estimated
US$30
billion
according
to
Forbes,
built
the
650,000-barrel-per-day
Dangote
Refinery
in
Lekki,
Nigeria
—
a
US$20
billion
project
inaugurated
in
May
2023.

His
flagship
company,
Dangote
Cement
Plc,
is
a
Nigerian
publicly
listed
multinational
with
a
production
capacity
of
52
million
tonnes
per
year
across
10
African
countries.

In
July,
Dangote
announced
plans
to
construct
fuel
storage
tanks
in
Namibia
with
capacity
for
1.6
million
barrels
of
petrol
and
diesel
to
supply
refined
fuel
to
southern
Africa
—
part
of
a
broader
regional
expansion
drive.

Post
published
in:

Featured

By
Etiwel
Mutero

It
was
a
world
defined
by
the
unrelenting
thirst
for
the
distant
waterhole,
and
into
this
harsh
beauty
strode
the
monarch
of
the
Mopane
scrub:
a
truly
immense
bull
elephant,
known
by
the
local
trackers
simply
as
The
Colossus.
To
witness
him
was
not
merely
to
observe
an
animal;
it
was
to
stand
in
the
presence
of
a
living,
breathing,
ancient
monument.

​His
sheer
size
was
the
first,
staggering
impression.
He
stood
taller
than
two
men,
a
walking
hillock
of
granite-grey
muscle
and
bone.
His
form
was
less
like
a
mammal
and
more
like
a
great,
geological
formation
that
had
somehow
learned
to
move.
The
weight
of
his
presence
seemed
to
compress
the
very
atmosphere
around
him,
forcing
the
world
into
quiet
reverence.
Every
step
was
deliberate,
a
slow,
earth-trembling
thump
that
spoke
of
mass
and
unhurried
confidence.
He
was
the
definition
of
power
made
patient.

​The
elephant’s
hide
was
a
masterpiece
of
texture
and
history.
It
was
not
smooth,
but
a
deeply
furrowed
landscape,
a
map
of
every
migration,
every
battle,
and
every
drought
he
had
survived.
The
skin
was
the
colour
of
dried
river
mud
and
charcoal,
shot
through
with
patches
of
reddish
Kalahari
dust
where
he
had
recently
tossed
soil
onto
his
flanks
for
cooling.
These
great,
hanging
folds
of
flesh
around
his
shoulders
and
legs
gave
him
an
archaic,
armor-plated
appearance.
Thousands
of
tiny,
rigid
bristles,
like
iron
filings,
dotted
the
surface,
lending
the
texture
a
roughness
that
defied
the
sun’s
soft
light.
Here
and
there,
one
could
spot
the
pale
pink
scar
tissue—faded
medals
of
endurance
acquired
from
tussles
with
rivals
or
scrapes
against
thorny
acacia
branches—each
marking
a
chapter
in
his
long,
solitary
existence.

​Above
this
mountainous
bulk
was
the
immense
skull,
dominated
by
two
perfect,
curving
tusks.
These
were
the
ivory
trophies
of
his
age
and
success,
polished
smooth
at
the
tips
from
decades
of
scraping
against
rocks,
levering
up
tough
roots,
and
marking
trees.
They
tapered
to
sharp
points,
glistening
faintly
even
under
the
dust,
serving
as
both
intimidating
weapons
and
exquisitely
fine-tuned
sensory
tools.

​But
the
most
mesmerizing
feature
was
his
trunk—the
great,
liquid
whip
of
muscle,
cartilage,
and
sensitivity.
It
was
a
five-foot-long
instrument
of
unparalleled
dexterity.
You
could
watch
it
move
with
the
fluidity
of
a
striking
cobra,
yet
perform
a
task
requiring
the
gentleness
of
a
human
hand.
In
one
moment,
it
flared
wide
at
the
tip,
testing
the
air
for
the
scent
of
distant
water
or
danger.
In
the
next,
it
was
curling
with
infinite
precision,
plucking
a
single,
green
shoot,
or
delicately
siphoning
up
a
mouthful
of
water
from
the
remaining
damp
mud
of
a
shrinking
pool.
When
he
drank,
the
trunk
plunged
deep,
drawing
in
gallons
with
a
single,
powerful
suction,
before
curling
upward
and
emptying
the
refreshing
deluge
directly
into
his
mouth
with
an
audible,
satisfying
slosh.

​His
ears,
vast
and
wing-like,
were
perpetually
in
motion.
They
were
enormous,
intricate
fans
of
thin
skin,
latticed
with
pronounced
veins
that
resembled
the
tributaries
of
the
great
Zambezi
River.
With
a
slow,
languid
rhythm,
they
flapped,
creating
an
almost
silent
whoosh
of
displaced
air,
working
as
the
essential
biological
radiator
to
cool
his
massive
internal
furnace.
The
movement
gave
his
profile
a
serene,
almost
philosophical
quality,
as
if
he
were
patiently
signalling
to
the
surrounding
savanna.

​Contrasting
sharply
with
his
huge
scale
were
his
eyes:
surprisingly
small,
dark,
and
set
deep
within
the
folds
of
his
face.
Yet,
they
were
windows
to
an
unreadable,
profound
intelligence.
They
held
no
malice,
only
the
deep-seated
weariness
and
wisdom
of
generations.
As
he
stopped
beneath
a
towering
African
teak,
the
elephant
shifted
his
weight,
and
a
low,
resonant
rumble
resonated
from
his
chest.
This
infrasonic
communication,
too
low
for
the
human
ear
to
truly
comprehend,
vibrated
through
the
earth
itself,
a
silent
dialogue
with
the
dispersed
herd
scattered
across
the
plains.
It
was
the
sound
of
kinship
and
connection,
the
heartbeat
of
the
bush.

​He
moved
toward
the
last
remaining
pool,
and
the
moment
he
reached
it,
the
pace
of
his
action
shifted.
He
began
to
apply
a
generous
coat
of
thick,
grey
mud,
using
his
trunk
to
plaster
it
onto
his
head
and
back
with
purposeful
swings.
The
mud
bath
was
a
luxury,
a
cooling
balm,
and
a
defense
against
biting
insects,
transforming
the
Colossus
briefly
from
a
dust-coloured
giant
into
a
figure
molded
from
wet,
living
clay.
When
he
emerged,
his
silhouette
against
the
setting
sun
was
magnificent:
a
creature
reborn
in
the
cool,
momentary
protection
of
the
earth.

​The
Zimbabwean
elephant
is
more
than
just
a
magnificent
beast;
he
is
the
custodian
of
the
continent’s
memory,
a
living
metaphor
for
enduring
wildness.
His
ancient,
thoughtful
presence
anchors
the
landscape,
reminding
all
who
watch
that
scale,
patience,
and
deep
connection
to
the
earth
remain
the
highest
forms
of
sovereignty
in
the
wild
heart
of
Africa.

Post
published
in:

Featured

Simon
Howell,


University
of
Cape
Town
and

Clemence
Rusenga

Cannabis
is
booming
as
an
ingredient
in
everything
from

supplementary
oils,
inflammation-reducing

skin
creams,
lip
balms
to

health
drinks
and
gummy
sweets
that
promise
to
reduce
anxiety
and
pain
and
promote
relaxation.

The
global
legal
cannabis
market
is
today

worth
about
US$69.78
billion,
and
this
will
skyrocket
to

US$216.76
billion
by
2033.

But
is
this
boom
benefiting
indigenous
cannabis
farmers
in
southern
Africa?
They’d
been
growing
the
plant
for
hundreds
of
years
before
colonial
authorities
criminalised
it
in
the
early
1900s.
Rural
people
continued
to
grow
it
illicitly
after
that,
relying
on
its
medicinal
properties.

For
many
rural
households
in
southern
Africa
today,
cannabis
pays
for
the
family’s
food,

education,
and
other
necessities.

In
South
Africa,
cannabis
was

prohibited
under
different
laws
since

1928.
In
neighbouring
Zimbabwe,
the

Dangerous
Drugs
Act
criminalised
cannabis
in
1955,
and
this
continued
after
independence.

But
in
2018,
this
changed.
South
Africa’s
Constitutional
Court

decriminalised
private
use
and
limited
private
cultivation
for
personal
consumption,
while
Zimbabwe

regulated
the
cultivation
of
cannabis
for
medicinal
and
industrial
purposes.

We
are
social
scientists
who
research
cannabis
and
development
in
Africa.
We
interviewed
a
wide
range
of
people,
from
political
leaders
to
illicit
growers
to
cannabis
lobbyists
and
non-governmental
organisations
to
technical
people
involved
in
the
industry,
such
as
greenhouse
installers.
We
wanted
to

uncover
the
challenges
small-scale
cannabis
farmers
faced
after
cannabis
was
decriminalised.

Our
research

found
that
cannabis
reform
has
continued
old
patterns
of
unfairness.
For
example,
we
found
that
medicinal
cannabis
production
is
currently
an
exclusive
business
which
only
well
off
businesses
can
participate
in.
Farmers
who
traditionally
cultivated
cannabis
and
sold
it
when
it
was
still
illegal
have
not
been
included
in
the
new
cannabis
industry.

If
these
problems
are
not
solved,
the
potential
of
cannabis
to
be
a
tool
for
development
in
Zimbabwe
and
South
Africa
will
remain
unfulfilled.

South
Africa:
privacy,
rights
and
the
slow
turn
to
reform

South
Africa’s
move
towards
legalisation
was
not
triggered
by
the
government
but
by
the
courts.
The
2018
Constitutional
Court
ruling

found
that
criminalising
private
cannabis
use
violated
the
constitutional
right
to
privacy.
The
state
couldn’t
show
a
good
enough
reason
to
interfere
with
adults
doing
private
things
like
smoking
cannabis
by
consent,
as
long
as
no
one
else
was
being
harmed.

This
decision
created
a
ripple
effect.
It
ignited
public
debate
about
personal
freedoms.
It
also
sparked
discussion
about
whether
cannabis
could
help
redress
historical
injustices,
create
jobs,
and
boost
economies
in
rural
areas
where
the
plant
has
long
been
cultivated.

Since
then,
however,
reform
has
been
slow
and
uneven.
The
government
passed
the

Cannabis
for
Private
Purposes
Act
in
2024.
This
sets
out
the
amounts
of
cannabis
that
individuals
can
possess
and
grow.
However,
most
commercial
trade
is
in
the
tightly
regulated
medical
and
hemp
sectors
(hemp
being

Cannabis
sativa
with
very
low
levels
of
THC,
the
active
psychoactive
cannabanoid).
Trade
in
cannabis
outside
these
sectors
is
mainly
prohibited.

Also,
small-scale
farmers
–
many
of
whom
have
cultivated
cannabis
for
generations
–
face
high
barriers
to
entering
the
legal
market.
To
set
up
a
medicinal
cannabis
business
in
South
Africa
needs
a

licence
from
the
health
products
regulatory
authority.
The
cannabis
farm
has
to
meet
high
quality
standards,
and
comply
with
strict
manufacturing
and
agricultural
practices.
Cannabis
farms
are
also
inspected
regularly.

Medicinal
cannabis
businesses

estimate
that
R3
million
to
R5
million
(US$173,000
to
US$289,000)
is
needed
to
start
a
farm.
This
high
cost
sidelines
the
very
communities
that
kept
the
cannabis
industry
going
when
the
plant
was
banned.

Zimbabwe:
cannabis
as
a
cash
crop

Zimbabwe’s
reform
took
a
different
route.
The
government
legalised
cannabis
cultivation
in
2018,
but
only
for
medicinal
and
industrial
purposes.
Recreational
use
remains
illegal.

The
government’s
motivation
was
for
cannabis
to
complement
tobacco
as
an
important
cash
crop.
Officials
projected
a

billion-dollar
industry
geared
mainly
towards
exporting
cannabis.

In
practice,
though,
only
wealthy
investors
can
afford
to
set
up
cannabis
export
businesses.
For
example,
a
five-year
medicinal
cannabis

licence
costs
US$50,000.
On
top
of
that,
cannabis
farmers
must
pay

substantial
annual
inspection
fees
and
licence
renewal
fees.

Our
research
also
found
that
the
cost
of
greenhouses
prevents
small-scale
farmers
from
starting
cannabis
businesses.
Medicinal
cannabis
farmers
are
required
to
use
greenhouses
to
control
temperatures,
humidity,
pests
and
contamination.
A
greenhouse
installer
we
interviewed
said
one
of
their
cheaper
versions
cost
US$220,000
for
a
five-hectare
plot.

Unsurprisingly,
the
main
people
who
have
benefited
from
cannabis
law
reform
have
been
established
local
business
people
and

foreign
investors.
Small-scale
cannabis
farmers
–
the
backbone
of
Zimbabwe’s
cannabis
trade
for
decades
–
remain
excluded.
Many
continue
to

grow
it
illicitly.
This
sustains
domestic
illegal
markets
and
means
these
small
farmers
don’t
benefit
from
the
promised
green
gold.

In
both
countries,
corporate
capture
of
the
cannabis
industry
is
looming.
Well-capitalised
companies,
often
with
international
backing,
are
able
to
afford
the
costs
of
meeting
regulatory
standards.
They
also
have
the
funds
to
sell
cannabis
on
the
export
market.
If
the
cannabis
industry
is
taken
over
by
corporations,
profits
will
be
concentrated
in
a
narrow
elite
rather
than
growers
on
the
ground.

Both
countries
are
also
struggling
with
the
contradiction
between
reforming
cannabis
laws
and
international
drug
controls
which
still
classify
cannabis
as
a
prohibited
substance.
This
complicates
efforts
to
develop
export
markets
and
creates
uncertainty
for
investors.

Why
inclusion
matters

Excluding
smallholder
farmers
who’ve
farmed
cannabis
for
decades
perpetuates
inequality.
It
also
undermines
the
sustainability
of
reform,
because
illicit
markets
will
continue
to
thrive
if
ordinary
cultivators
see
no
benefit
in
moving
to
the
legal
sector.
More
inclusive
models
are
possible.
These
could
include
tiered
licensing
systems
with
lower
fees
for
small-scale
farmers.

Cannabis
producer
co-operatives
can
also
enable
their
participation,
as
is
the
case

in
Morocco.

Communities
and
commercial
investors
should
partner
to
strengthen
one
another.
They
can
form
joint
ventures
where
communities
provide
labour
and
knowledge
of
local
climatic
conditions
and
cannabis
varieties
while
investors
provide
funds
and
ensure
regulatory
compliance.

These
ventures
would
recognise
the
contribution
of
traditional
cultivators
while
still
ensuring
cannabis
quality
and
safety
in
the
legal
market.

The
next
phase
of
reform
in
both
countries
must
focus
on
including
small-scale
farmers.
Laws
must
be
passed
to
balance
the
commercial
opportunities
that
come
from
selling
cannabis
with
the
rights
and
livelihoods
of
small-scale
cultivators.

Simon
Howell,
Senior
research
associate,
Centre
of
Criminology,


University
of
Cape
Town
and

Clemence
Rusenga,
Teaching
Associate,
School
of
Social
Sciences,
Cardiff
University

This
article
is
republished
from

The
Conversation
under
a
Creative
Commons
license.
Read
the

original
article.

WASHINGTON,
United
States
–
A
senior
United
States
lawmaker
has
warned
President
Emmerson
Mnangagwa
against
moves
to
extend
his
rule
beyond
the
constitutionally
mandated
limit,
saying
such
an
attempt
would
undermine
Zimbabwe’s
fragile
democracy.

Gregory
Meeks,
the
ranking
member
of
the
powerful
House
Foreign
Affairs
Committee,
said
Washington
was
watching
developments
in
Harare
closely
after
Zanu
PF
last
weekend
adopted
a
resolution
to
begin
the
process
of
amending
the
Constitution
to
keep
Mnangagwa
in
power
until
2030.

“President
Mnangagwa
swore
to
strengthen
the
pillars
of
Zimbabwe’s
democracy
and
accept
term
limits,”
Meeks
said
in
a
statement.
“Extending
his
term
would
erode
that
foundation.”

Under
the
current
constitution,
Mnangagwa
must
step
down
in
2028
after
serving
two
five-year
terms.
But
the
ruling
party’s
annual
conference
in
Mutare
last
weekend
directed
the
government
to
“initiate
the
requisite
legislative
amendments”
to
allow
him
to
stay
on
for
two
more
years.

Hundreds
of
delegates
cheered
as
the
motion
passed.
Zanu
PF,
in
power
since
independence
in
1980,
holds
a
commanding
majority
in
parliament,
giving
it
a
clear
path
to
pass
the
amendments.
However,
constitutional
experts
have
warned
that
extending
a
sitting
president’s
term
could
require
approval
in
two
separate
referendums.

Mnangagwa,
83,
has
previously
described
himself
as
a
“constitutionalist”
and
insisted
he
would
not
seek
to
overstay
his
mandate.
But
allies
within
the
party
have
been
pushing
for
him
to
remain
in
office
until
2030,
arguing
that
he
needs
more
time
to
consolidate
his
economic
vision.

The
plan
has
exposed
deepening
divisions
within
Zanu
PF,
particularly
between
Mnangagwa
loyalists
and
supporters
of
Vice
President
Constantino
Chiwenga,
who
led
the
2017
coup
that
toppled
Robert
Mugabe.

HARARE
–
The
Zimbabwe
Electricity
Transmission
and
Distribution
Company
(ZETDC)
has
distanced
itself
from
a
tragic
electrocution
incident
that
claimed
the
life
of
a
19-year-old
student
in
Budiriro
1
Extension
on
Wednesday.

In
a
statement,
the
power
utility
said
the
deceased
was
attached
to
a
private
contractor
that
was
carrying
out
work
“outside
ZETDC’s
jurisdiction
and
safety
protocols.”

“ZETDC
had
not
issued
a
permit
or
authorisation
for
any
work
on
the
Medium
Voltage
(MV)
line
at
this
location,”
the
company
said.

ZETDC
extended
its
“deepest
and
most
sincere
condolences”
to
the
victim’s
family,
friends,
and
colleagues,
adding
that
the
safety
of
the
public
and
workers
remained
its
highest
priority.

The
company
urged
members
of
the
public
to
engage
only
authorised
ZETDC
personnel
for
any
electrical
work
connected
to
the
national
grid.

The
identity
of
the
deceased
and
the
contractor
involved
have
not
been
disclosed.